The Banco de Moçambique (Bank) was established in May 17, 1975. The 1920 Brussels Conference recommended that in countries without a central bank, it should be created. The ‘Bank’ followed the new model of emerging countries’ central banks (mid-1950s), where those central banks regulated and controlled an existing financial system and promoted the emergence of a money and capital market. From 1975 the Bank performed commercial functions until 1992, when the functions of commercial banking and central banking were separated. Mozambique tried to establish a socialist society. The prevailing financial system, primarily consisting of of expatriate banks, was reorganised under the state bank. This was a restructuring and integration process. In 1980 the Metical, the new currency of Mozambique, was introduced. In the 1980s weakening economic conditions in Mozambique mandated the reconsideration of post-independence economic policies. In 1984 Mozambique accepted assistance from the Bretton Woods institutions and from 1987 the country embraced the Economic Rehabilitation Program. The Bank embarked on monetary, credit, supervisory and regulatory policies reforms, to consolidate conventional central bank functions. / History / M.A. (History)

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities of the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History, August 2017 / This study uses both primary and secondary sources to investigate the history of the communities living in the southern Mozambique hinterland in the 20th century. It specifically examines the evolution of the colonial hunting laws and the establishment of hunting reserves in southern Mozambique. In this thesis, I argue that the Portuguese colonial administration put little effort into the protection of fauna and ecosystems in the south western Mozambique hinterland. Portuguese hunting laws were issued to provide the colonial system with revenue – through a system of fees imposed on licensed hunters when entering Mozambican forests and hunting reserves – rather than to improve fauna management. Colonial laws (particularly fees for the hunting permits) made it difficult for the majority of local African peasants to access game resources, on which during periods of drought and lack of foodstuffs they depended for subsistence. The study explores the extent to which postcolonial development projects affected conservation and the livelihoods of communities living in conservation areas. It shows how the period following independence was also characterised by mass killing of wildlife. In 1978, as part of the construction of the Massingir dam, Frelimo government officials relocated families living along the Elephants valley to areas having poor soils in Coutada 16, thus reducing the ability of the cultivators to produce enough food to sustain their families. Lack of food supplies increased the dependence of local families on bush meat for food. The armed conflict, which broke out immediately after independence in 1975 and lasted until 1992, contributed to the mass killing of wildlife, as both government soldiers and RENAMO fighters exploited bush for food. The end of the armed conflict allowed the Government of Mozambique (GoM) to implement projects aimed at rehabilitating the ecosystems destroyed by war and the transformation of Coutada 16 into the Limpopo National Park (LNP) in 2001. In 2002, the integration of the LNP into the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park (GLTP) turned into reality Hertzog´s 1927 desire to create a transnational conservation area across the South Africa – Mozambique border. / XL2018

Wildlife management in Moryambique has had a troubled history. The end of civil war and installment of a democratic Government provided opportunity to redefine policy and implementation of conservation. Weakened by civil strife and with wildlife decimated in many areas, Government sought approaches to conservation that would promote participation by investors and civil society, particularly rural communities. The intention is to acknowledge the rights of rural people to resources and the benefits that can accrue from their use. Partnerships are seen as a way in which Government can bring the required financial and human resources to bear whilst at the same time engendering positive attitudes to conservation in general, and to policy in particular. The purpose of this research is to examine, using two case study conservation areas, the consequences of Government's attempts to implement its policy. The philosophical basis for the research is that policy reform and implementation should be envisaged as a complex system comprising many interactions and that when this complexity is not acknowledged and addressed systemically, it predisposes the process of policy reform and implementation to failure. A principal cause of failure is considered to be that assumptions are not made explicit and this results in development and application of an approach that does not accord with reality. Further, because of the networked nature of the system, failure at one point can be magnified as its consequences are propagated through the system. A conceptual framework for policy reform and implementation is developed. This exposes some critical assumptions about Government's capacity to implement policy and the ways in which implementation is experienced by stakeholders, especially local communities. Context is provided by tracing the evolution of approaches to conservation in Moryambique from the pre-colonial era to the present. The findings are that Government does not have the capacity to implement its conservation policy and this is shown to have serious implications for how local people perceive and respond to Government approaches to conservation. Causal factors are analysed and assessed. It is concluded that the process of policy reform and implementation is complex but that a systems approach provides a simple and easily comprehended way in which this complexity can be interpreted and taken into account with potentially very significant benefits. Perceptions are shown to be a powerful determinant of response to policy reform and implementation. As these are commonly a basis for destructive tensions between parties, it is suggested that research directed at defining the principles that should underpin management of perceptions and tensions should be encouraged. / Thesis (M.Env.Dev.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters by Coursework and Research Report in the Department of History, the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg / This study analyzes the “socialization of the countryside” and its consequences for agricultural production in Manica district during the postcolonial period from 1975 until 1987. The impact of this policy, developed by FRELIMO as guerrilla movement during the struggle of liberation of Mozambique (1964-1974) and as FRELIMO government from 1975 until 1987, has been analyzed here in historical perspective. During the struggle in liberated zones, FRELIMO along with the rural African population developed a collective form of production inspired by African socialism developed by President Julius Nyerere in Tanzania. FRELIMO’s new policy was implemented in whole country after independence in 1975, through the creation of the state companies, communal villages, and cooperatives of production between 1976 and 1987. This policy was implemented in the countryside without having the rural experience necessary to inform its functioning. Additionally, the weakness of human resources in its management of the policy further undermined its success. Furthermore, the war led by RRENAMO from 1976 until its end in 1992 weakened the state’s resolve. These three factors became the basic causes of the policy’s abandonment in 1983, and its replaced by the neo-liberal economic adjustment policy in 1987. / MT2016

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / The great intensification of China’s engagement with Africa in the beginning of the 21st century has brought about an equally vast body of literature concerning the general motives and features of the engagement. The broad nature of such literature begs for more focused and localised analysis that are able to complement and inform the ongoing debate. This thesis aims to better understand how China’s policy towards Mozambique affects the latter’s economic development. With this objective in mind each of the four empirical chapters provides a fresh view over some of the most salient dimensions and recent processes related to China’s involvement with Mozambique. The following is analysed: China’s trade and investment with Mozambique; the Asian power’s economic involvement in Mozambique’ agriculture sector; the participation of the China-Exim Bank in the Mphanda Nkuwa dam negotiation process; and finally the participation of Mozambique in the China-sponsored multilateral organisation of the Macau Forum. The methodology used is primarily reliant on the analysis of secondary material supplemented by a small number of informal interviews. The core secondary material includes government investment agencies statistics, analysis of official documents, policies and analysis of material such as NGO reports, studies and media reports. The analysis corroborates the view that it mostly depends upon Mozambique’s governance actors to make China’s engagement work towards its economic development and that there is not a static set of monolithic neo-colonial tendencies overriding China’s commitments towards the African country.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The end of the Cold War had a profound impact on the qualitative and quantitative nature of the UN's peace and security agenda, representing a shift from traditional peacekeeping to a broader, more ambitious and intrusive notion of peacekeeping. This evolution was marked by an expanded UN engagement in a broad range of intra-state conflicts and characterised by UN undertakings towards aspects of national political and socio-economic reconstruction including the evolution of humanitarian action. Responding to the expanded United Nations agenda for international peace and security and at the request of the UN Security Council (UNSC) Boutros Boutros-Ghali prepared the conceptual foundations of the UN's role in global peace and security in his seminal report, An Agenda for Peace (July, 1992). The Secretary General outlined five inter-connected roles that he projected the UN would play in the fast changing context of post-Cold War international politics, namely: preventive diplomacy, peace enforcement, peacemaking, peacekeeping and post-conflict peacebuilding. The UNSG described the newly defined concept of post-conflict peacebuilding as action organised "(to) foster economic and social co-operation with the purpose of developing the social, political and economic infrastructure to prevent future violence, and laying the foundations for a durable peace." With specific reference to landmines in An Agenda for Peace the UNSG stressed that peacebuilding following civil war and internal strife must address the serious problem of landmines, which remained scattered in present or former combat zones. The UNSG underscored that mine action (demining) should be emphasised in terms of reference of peacekeeping operations which is crucially important in the restoration of activity when peacebuilding is under way. The United Nations involvement in the Mozambican peace process (1992-1995) has been interpreted as the culmination of a major success story in wider peacekeeping in Africa under UN auspices - a category of peace operation, which included peacemaking, peacekeeping, humanitarian assistance, peacebuilding and electoral assistance. Mozambique's peace process has subsequently been cited as a model UN peacekeeping operation which could be adapted to post-conflict situation elsewhere. Within the context of landmines as a threat to post-conflict peacebuilding as articulated by the UNSG in An Agenda for Peace, the study focuses on how the United Nations implemented mine action initiatives in operationalising the concept of peacebuilding in Mozambique. In this context, the study reviews the UN operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and its capacity, responsiveness and vision in implementing mine action initiatives, both in terms of the operational requirements of the ONUMOZ peacekeeping mission and the development oflonger-term humanitarian mine action programmes in Mozambique. To this end, the study views the establishment of a sustainable indigenous mine action capacity as a sine que non for post -conflict peacebuilding. From this perspective, the study interprets the 1999 Mine Ban Treaty Prohibiting the Use, Stockpile, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their Destruction and the rights and obligations of Mozambique as a State Party to the Treaty as the most appropriate instrument towards the creation of an indigenous Mozambican mine action capacity to address the long-term effects oflandmines on post-conflict peacebuilding. In terms of methodology the approach was historical-analytical and in essence a deductive method of research was followed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die einde van die Koue Oorlog het diepgaande verandering teweeggebring ten opsigte van die Verenigde Nasies se vredes en sekuriteits regime ter handhawing van internasionale vrede en sekuriteit. Hierdie periode is gekenmerk deur 'n skerp toename in intra-staatlike konflikte en gevolglik in die kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe aard en omvang van Verenigde Nasies vredesoperasies in terme van die VN Handves. Ten einde die verantwoordelikhede van die Verenigde Nasies met betrekking tot die handhawing van vrede en sekuriteit in die snel - veranderende konteks van die post - Koue Oorlog periode aan te spreek, het die Sekretaris - Generaal van die Verenigde Nasies, Boutros Boutros - Gali, in opdrag van die Veiligheidsraad die konseptuele fundering van die VN se rol verwoord in sy pioniersverslag - Agenda vir Vrede (1992). In sy verslag van Julie 1992 identifiseer en omskryf die Sekretaris-Generaal vyf verbandhoudende konsepte wat sou dien as meganismes ter beslegting van internasionale konflik, naamlik voorkomende diplomasie (preventive diplomacy), vredesingryping (peace enforcement), maak van vrede (peacemaking), vredesoperasies (peacekeeping) en post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie (post-conflict peacebuilding). Die Sekretaris-Generaal het post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie omskryf as die "vestiging van sosio-ekonomiese samewerking met die oogmerk om die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese infrastruktuur te ontwikkel ten einde hernude konflik te voorkom en ter grondlegging van langdurige vrede". Met spesifieke verwysing na die korrelasie tussen landmyne en post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie het die Sekretaris-Generaal benadruk dat landmyne 'n bedreiging inhou vir die konsolidasie van vrede na burgeroorlog en interne konflik, en veral binne die raamwerk van 'n VN vredesoperasie in terme van 'n VN Veiligheidsraad mandaat. Die VN se vredesrol in Mosambiek word allerweë beskou as een van die mees suksesvolle VN vredesoperasies ooit. Die doel van die studie is gevolglik om ondersoek in te stel na die toepassing van die konsep van post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie met spesifieke verwysing na die Mosambiekse vredesproses en die rol van die Verenigde Nasies se Operasie in Mosambiek (ONUMOZ). In die opsig fokus die studie spesifiek op die rol van ONUMOZ (1992-1995) en suksesse en tekortkomings in sy vredesmandaat ten opsigte van die implementering van aksies om die kort-en-langtermyn impak van landmyne in terme van post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie in Mosambiek aan te spreek. Vanuit hierdie konteks, vertolk die studie die Landmyn Verdrag (1999) en die totale verbod op die aanwending, opgaar, produksie en oordrag van landmyne en die vernietiging daarvan as die mees geskikte raamwerk waarbinne Mosambiek 'n inheemse vermoë tot stand kan bring ten einde die langtermyn impak van landmyne op post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie effektief aan te spreek. Vanuit 'n metodologiese oogpunt word in hierdie studie histories analities te werk gegaan en die benadering is beskrywend - verklarend van aard. Verder is die metode van ondersoek in wese deduktief van aard.

Mozambique is undergoing intensive socio-economic reforms to reconstruct war damages and develop the nation. The reforms consist of economic liberalisation through structural adjustment and monetarist economic stabilisation, e.g. government withdrawal from economic activities, privatisation, deregulation, reduction of tariff levels on imports and tax on investments, cuts of expenditure on social services, restrictive credit system, focus on monetarism, increased taxation on individual income, etc. The nature of these reforms, on the surface, leads to morally questionable conditions. There is social chaos and disintegration, high indices of corruption, subtle recolonisation, decline of civil services, etc. At the bottom lie the market ethics and fundamentalist theological discourse by dint of which the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund deny historical consciousness, lack institutional memory, vest themselves with unquestionable international authority, dictate and impose policies without accountability for the social consequences. If there is any hope for Mozambicans, it lies in development ethics which relies heavily on the liberation motif, historical consciousness, and African Heritage. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)

Mozambique is undergoing intensive socio-economic reforms to reconstruct war damages and develop the nation. The reforms consist of economic liberalisation through structural adjustment and monetarist economic stabilisation, e.g. government withdrawal from economic activities, privatisation, deregulation, reduction of tariff levels on imports and tax on investments, cuts of expenditure on social services, restrictive credit system, focus on monetarism, increased taxation on individual income, etc. The nature of these reforms, on the surface, leads to morally questionable conditions. There is social chaos and disintegration, high indices of corruption, subtle recolonisation, decline of civil services, etc. At the bottom lie the market ethics and fundamentalist theological discourse by dint of which the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund deny historical consciousness, lack institutional memory, vest themselves with unquestionable international authority, dictate and impose policies without accountability for the social consequences. If there is any hope for Mozambicans, it lies in development ethics which relies heavily on the liberation motif, historical consciousness, and African Heritage. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)