published_or_final_version / Comparative Literature / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

This study describes and reflects on the partnership between Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and Community-Based Organisations (CBOs) in implementing development projects in Mozambique. This is a qualitative case study, whose methods of data collection were in-depth semi-structured interviews and document analysis. The study was conducted with two NGOs (one international and one national) and with four CBOs and it took place in Nampula and Gaza provinces and the capital Maputo. The data were analyzed using quantitative method. NGOs and CBOs are different entities in terms of their levels of actuation, responsibilities, nature, and also differ in terms of resources, such as access to information, funding sources and human resources. These differences have raised questions around the possibility of the establishment of an equitable and properly functioning partnership between entities that differ so much in na}ure. The NGOs depend majorly on external funds to support the CBOs; however they also rely on their own funds or funds made available by local funders' institutions. Equally, the CBOs also undertake, some income activity generation, whose income is used for their own institutional expenses and also to support some community needs, though they rely mostly on funds provided by the NGOs. The central idea of this study is that despite the differences between NGOs and CBOs they can establish a balanced partnership based on the recognition of the contribution of each partner and on the significance both attribute to the partnership. The differences constitute the basis of the partnership which in turn allows the acquisition of mutual benefits, recognition and sharing of power. In terms of theoretical framework, I have used Agency theory wherein the NGO is the "Principal" which in a relationship governed by a contract delegates the CBOs as the "Agent" of the implementation of projects in the communities. vii The results showed that the partnership between NGOs and CBOs is characterised by complementarities, mutual benefits, exchange, contribution, and sharing of power by both. The partnership is also based on recognition of the weaknesses, strengths and value of each pa1iner which give place to a balanced partnership. However being a balanced partnership it is also characterised by conflicts that result from the difference of interest between NGOs and CBOs. Risk constitutes another element that characterizes this partnership since the NGOs delegate the CBOs the implementation of the project and not always the CBOs will perform as it is advocated in the contract. Though, as the partnership is valuable for both, NGOs and CBOs will engage in developing strategies for minimising the potential risk in order to maintain and maximise the partnership. The data also showed that the locus of conflict and risk are essentially linked to misusage of money. Since the CBOs implement the project and are institutionally independent from the NGOs, the NGOs develop some strategies of control to ensure that the CBOs will act in accordance of what the contract advocates. It is within these strategies wherein the conflict arises, especidlly because the CBOs do not always understand some of the strategies adopted by NGOs to ensure the accomplishment of the contract what led the CBOs also to adopt some strategies of resistance. In terms of power and decision-making the data showed that both exercise different kind of power and the CBOs influence the decision-making process, though the NGOs showed to have greater control over the process. The contribution of this study to the existing literature lies in the fact that it brings a different approach to the power relations between NGOs and CBOs, which is usually seen as a relationship of the exercise of power by the NGOs over the CBOs. The study seeks to show that the strategies of resistance, counter power and negotiation developed by the CBOs constitute a different form of exercise of power and influence. It also shows that the CBOs are not passive actors in the partnership because they develop strategies to influence and attract the NGOs in the establishment of partnership and decision-making throughout the project cycle.

This thesis concerns the relationship between poverty and the environment in Mozambique, and the response that is required from the Church. It is a way to describe and analyse the situation, and also to provide possible strategies for the Church. The thesis begins by providing a general overview of the environmental crisis in Africa at present. Then, drawing on field-work in the Matutuine District of Mozambique, and making considerable use of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, it provides an indepth description and analysis of people's livelihood strategies, noting the strong link between poverty and the environment, and how there is a cause and effect relationship between them. In order for the Church to respond in an adequate fashion, the thesis provides theological resources for caring for the environment, and then ends with a range of strategies which the Church can be engaged in. The key findings of the thesis are that, given the immense vulnerability of the poor in Mozambique, households have very little access to human, social, financial and physical capital, and so are forced to rely upon the existing natural capital for survival. Livelihood strategies involve subsistence farming, charcoal production and hunting, all of which deplete the natural resource base, and yet there is no commitment to restore the base which provides these things. Thus these strategies are unsustainable and require a response from the church. The thesis concludes with a range of practical strategies for the Church including awakening people to their obligations as creatures on earth, being involved in holistic mission, responding to pollution, deforestation and land degradation, contributing to and enhancing existing livelihood strategies, contributing to food security, and supporting people in small scale farming practices. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.

Poverty in its many guises - poor housing, no employment, indifferent health and hunger is a driving force for scavenging. In most developing countries, the informal recovery of material from waste is a common survival strategy for the poor. In fact, up to 2% of populations in developing countries depend on recovering, re-using and selling waste materials from streets, dumpsite or landfills for their livelihood. The aim of this study was to develop an understanding of the socio-economic conditions affecting the scavengers and scavenging activities at the Hulene dumpsite in Maputo. This study set out to develop a conceptual framework depicting scavenging, its problems and opportunities. This was used to structure the research. The main issues addressed were: • The driving forces of scavenging where poverty is the major factor. • The organization of scavengers and scavenging activities showing that there is no formal organization of scavengers, which leads to exploitation of vulnerable groups. • The reaction from the national and local authorities, with the prevalence of a repressive policy and absence of support. • The gender dimension on scavenging activities; and • The perception of health risks. The findings are that scavenging constitutes a means of livelihood for poor people. These activities respond to the market demand and not to environmental considerations. However, in performing scavenging activities which results in informal recycling and resources recovery, people generate environmental benefits, economic benefits and social benefits. Other findings are that the informal organization of scavengers increases the exploitation and the health risk of scavengers. Thus, organization is a key to the success of scavengers and indirectly to the municipal economy. It is concluded that the framework set out in this thesis is useful in the sense that it illustrates the factors which influence scavenging activities. This framework can be used for further research in similar situations. It is also concluded that prohibition of scavenging activities would have undesirable consequences for the economy of Maputo in particular and of Mozambique in general. Thus, since this activity brings benefits to scavengers and to society, the government should support and stimulate this activity and not persecute those who provide this service. Consequently, as a recommendation, government, local communities and NGOs are called upon to support scavengers. The formation of scavenger co-operatives can promote sustainable grassroots development in this sector of the population. / Thesis (M.Env.Dev.)-Unversity of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In 1992, warring factions in Mozambique put an end to 15 years of violence and instability. By signing the General Peace Accord in Rome, the civil war was officially over, and postconflict reconstruction could begin. The post-conflict state has been struggling with high poverty, weak infrastructure and the burden of returning refugees as well as internally displaced people (IDP’s) in the aftermath of the war. Moreover, in recent years, increasing domestic activity on the part of transnational criminal syndicates has become a major national and regional security dilemma. In this study, Mozambique, as a post-conflict state has been examined to identify the most important factors that lead to the increase and continuation in transnational crime in terms of human trafficking. Using prevailing state theories and post-conflict theories within the field of Political Science and analyzing Mozambique from the conceptual theoretical lenses of Max Weber, Charles Tilly, Shmuel N. Eistenstadt, and several other scholars, it is argued that there are numerous elements present within the state that have led to an increase in crime. These are first and foremost the (neo) patrimonial features of the state, corrupt state-officials, the state’s pluralist legal-system and a general lack of public trust in the legitimacy of the government. Incomplete post-conflict reconstruction efforts, resulting in lack of public goods, such as health-care, schooling and jobs along with a culture of exploitation and objectification of women and deep-rooted gender-inequality in Mozambique is argued to provide criminal syndicates with an opportunity to capitalize on organized crimes such as trafficking of humans. In recent years, positive developments manifest themselves through the international recognition of human trafficking and domestic ratifications of international laws and protocols to combat human trafficking. While Mozambique has ratified “The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children” this study reveals state factors that make the elimination of the crime of human trafficking in Mozambique difficult. The findings of the study are symbolic of a globalized problem. Combating transnational crime does not depend solely on international, regional and domestic cooperation through laws and regulations; it also necessitates increased national efforts in dealing with the root-causes of trafficking and to increase the political and public awareness in the country towards this human rights violation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In 1992 het strydende groepe in Mosambiek 'n einde gemaak aan 15 jaar van geweld en onstabiliteit. Met die ondertekening van die Algemene Vredesverdrag in Rome, is die burgeroorlog amptelik beëindig en post-konflik rekonstruksie kon begin. Die post-konflik staat het gesukkel met hoë armoede, swak infrastruktuur en die las van terugkerende vlugtelinge en interne verplaasde persone in die nadraai van die oorlog. Daarbenewens het toenemende plaaslike aktiwiteite van transnasionale kriminele sindikate in die afgelope jare 'n groot nasionale en streeks-sekuriteitsdilemma geword. In hierdie studie is Mosambiek as 'n post-konflik staat geanaliseer om die mees belangrike faktore wat tot die toename in transnasionale misdaad (in terme van mensehandel) gelei het, te identifiseer. Deur gebruik te maak van bestaande staatsteorieë en post-konflik teorieë in die veld van Politieke Wetenskap en deur Mosambiek te analiseer uit die teoretiese blik van Max Weber, Charles Tilly, Shmuel N. Eistenstadt, en andere, word daar geargumenteer dat daar verskeie elemente binne die staat is wat tot dié toename in misdaad gelei het. Allereers is die neo(patrimoniale) kenmerke van die staat, korrupte staatsamptenare, die pluralistiese regstelsel en algemene gebrek aan publieke vertroue in die regering. Daar word geargumenteer dat onvolledige post-konflik rekonstruksie, wat 'n tekort aan publieke goedere soos gesondheidsorg, opvoeding en werk tot gevolg het, tesame met 'n kultuur van die seksualisering van vroue en diep-gewortelde geslagsongelykheid in die staat, vir kriminele sindikate geleenthede vir organiseerde misdaad soos mensehandel bied. In die afgelope jare het positiewe ontwikkelinge gemanifisteer deur die internationale erkenning van mensehandel en die plaaslike bekragtigings van internationale wette en protokols om mensehandel te bestry. Alhoewel Mosambiek "The Protocol to Prevent, Supress and Punish Traffickin in Persons, especially Women and Children" bekragtig het, toon die studie dat sekere staatsfaktore die uitwissing van mensehandel in Mosambiek moeilik maak. Die bevindinge van die studie is simbolies van 'n globaliseerde probleem; die bestryding van transnasionale misdaad berus nie net op internasionale, streek en plaaslike samewerking deur wette en regulasies nie, maar dit noodsaak ook verhoogde nasionale inspanning om die grondoorsake van mensehandel te hanteer en om politieke en publieke bewustheid omtrent dié menseregteskending in die land te verhoog.

This thesis discusses issues relating to development, sin and salvation. It examines the development visions of the Millennium Declaration and NEPAD Documents and compares them with the values of the Kingdom of God. It identifies some lessons from the Millennium Declaration and NEPAD Documents, and the Kingdom of God for the Union Baptist Church of Mozambique. These lessons are to help the denomination as it involves itself in the mission of the Kingdom of God in the community in Mozambique. The thesis argues that there is a relationship between the visions of the Millennium Declaration and the NEPAD Documents, and the values of the Kingdom of God on a number of issues such as the issues of sickness, orphans, vulnerability, gender inequality, poverty, the poor, hunger, unemployment, oppression, exploitation, wars, crime, violence against women and children, injustice and corruption. The Kingdom of God is about love, health, well-being for all, care, justice, unity and solidarity; harmony, life, peace, freedom, restoration, acceptance, righteousness, community, and salvation that includes both spiritual and physical salvation of the whole person both now in this life before death and after death. However, the thesis argues that the eschatological aspect of the Kingdom of God helps us see that sin is deeply rooted in human life, and even our best efforts at development will not rid the world of sin. The Church therefore has to remind society of this deeper sin, and to proclaim the gospel of the forgiveness of sins, while struggling with the evidence of that sin in poverty, sickness, injustice and violence. The church, especially the Union Baptist Church of Mozambique, has to be a key player in striving for Kingdom values. The church is called to holistic and integral mission. It should take a leading role in the issues that concern our people and society today, because that is doing the will of God. The commandment to love our neighbour as we love ourselves has to be expressed through our participation in integral mission, which is concerned with all human beings and all God's creation. The shalom of the Kingdom has to be experienced by all, and the church must be the means through which shalom is realised. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu- Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.

Mozambique is undergoing intensive socio-economic reforms to reconstruct war damages and develop the nation. The reforms consist of economic liberalisation through structural adjustment and monetarist economic stabilisation, e.g. government withdrawal from economic activities, privatisation, deregulation, reduction of tariff levels on imports and tax on investments, cuts of expenditure on social services, restrictive credit system, focus on monetarism, increased taxation on individual income, etc. The nature of these reforms, on the surface, leads to morally questionable conditions. There is social chaos and disintegration, high indices of corruption, subtle recolonisation, decline of civil services, etc. At the bottom lie the market ethics and fundamentalist theological discourse by dint of which the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund deny historical consciousness, lack institutional memory, vest themselves with unquestionable international authority, dictate and impose policies without accountability for the social consequences. If there is any hope for Mozambicans, it lies in development ethics which relies heavily on the liberation motif, historical consciousness, and African Heritage. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)

Mozambique is undergoing intensive socio-economic reforms to reconstruct war damages and develop the nation. The reforms consist of economic liberalisation through structural adjustment and monetarist economic stabilisation, e.g. government withdrawal from economic activities, privatisation, deregulation, reduction of tariff levels on imports and tax on investments, cuts of expenditure on social services, restrictive credit system, focus on monetarism, increased taxation on individual income, etc. The nature of these reforms, on the surface, leads to morally questionable conditions. There is social chaos and disintegration, high indices of corruption, subtle recolonisation, decline of civil services, etc. At the bottom lie the market ethics and fundamentalist theological discourse by dint of which the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund deny historical consciousness, lack institutional memory, vest themselves with unquestionable international authority, dictate and impose policies without accountability for the social consequences. If there is any hope for Mozambicans, it lies in development ethics which relies heavily on the liberation motif, historical consciousness, and African Heritage. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)