Este trabalho discute o processo de democratização de Moçambique, iniciado em 1992 com o Acordo Geral de Paz (AGP) entre o Governo liderado pela Frelimo (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) e a Renamo (Resistência Nacional de Moçambique), que pôs fim a uma guerra civil que durou dezesseis anos. Embora haja outros partidos políticos, o processo de democratização tem-se polarizado entre a Frelimo e a Renamo. Por essa razão a discussão do tema está em torno destes dois partidos, pois suas ações são determinantes para a consolidação da democracia no país. A pesquisa foca-se especialmente ao período 2005-2015 (período do governo de Armando Guebuza) momento em que várias incertezas, quanto à possibilidade da consolidação democrática, marcaram o processo. Neste sentido, a pesquisa tem como questão de partida a seguinte: Quais as possibilidades e limites para uma eventual consolidação democrática em Moçambique? Ou seja, que fatores podem contribuir para que a democracia moçambicana se consolide? Defende-se a ideia de que a democracia em Moçambique está sendo construída num ambiente em que os dois principais atores (Frelimo/Renamo) responsáveis pela assinatura do AGP conservam um poder real. Por um lado a Frelimo controla o Poder desde o AGP, em 1992, e por via disso o controlo da Forças de Defesa e Segurança e, por outro lado, a Renamo mantendo um grupo de milícias armados alegadamente para proteger o seu líder. Esta situação alimenta um conflito armado latente com todos os elementos para brotar a qualquer momento O principal objetivo é analisar criticamente a influência da polarização do processo entre a Frelimo e a Renamo para a consolidação da democracia em Moçambique. Esta discussão se enquadra dentro do tema de transições política e consolidação democrática, que vem dominando alguns debates dentro da Ciência Política, sobretudo aos dilemas da passagem de um regime de caráter autoritário para um regime de natureza democrático e os dilemas da consolidação do sistema democrático. A pesquisa é de natureza documental, destacando-se três tipos de documentos: oficiais (protocolos do AGP, algumas leis fundamentais e alguns vídeos contendo discursos das principais lideranças desses partidos); jornais (Savana e Notícias e Boletim sobre o Processo Político em Moçambique) e; relatórios acadêmicos (Instituto de Estudos Sociais e Económicos, afrobarometer, Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project). / Seeking to discuss about the Mozambican process of democratization, which began in 1992 with the Peace General Accord between Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front), the Party Government leader at the time, and Renamo (Mozambique National Resistance), the armed opposition, which ended a civil war that lasted sixteen, is drawn up this research. Although there are other political parties, the process of democratization is being polarized by Frelimo and Renamo. Thus, the topic of debate is around these two parties because their actions are crucial for the country democracy consolidation. This study focus on Armando Guebuzas governance era (2005-2015) time that so many uncertainties situations, in terms of possibility of democratic consolidation, marked the process. In this term the query is, are there possibilities and limits of an eventual democratic consolidation in Mozambique? In other words, which key factors can contribute to consolidate the Mozambique's democracy? It argue that, democracy in Mozambique is being built in an environment in which the two main actors (Frelimo / Renamo) responsible for signing the GPA retain real power. On the one hand, Frelimo has been in control of Power since the GPA in 1992, and thus, controls the Defense and Security Forces and, on the other hand, Renamo maintaining a group of armed militias allegedly to protect its leader This situation fuels a latent armed conflict with all the elements to sprout at any moment.The main objective is to analyze critically the influence of this polarization of Frelimo and Renamo, on the process, for democracy consolidation in Mozambique. This debate falls on theme of political transition and democratic consolidation, mainstream of debates in political science, especially to the dilemmas of the passage of an authoritarian regime to a system of democratic nature and dilemmas of democratic consolidation system. It´s a documentary research based in three type of documents: official (GPA protocols, some fundamental laws and some videos containing speeches of the main leaders of these parties), newspapers (Savana, Notícias and Boletim sobre o processo político em Moçambique) and; academic reports (Instituto de Estudos Sociais e Económicos, afrobarometer, Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project).

Este trabalho discute o processo de democratização de Moçambique, iniciado em 1992 com o Acordo Geral de Paz (AGP) entre o Governo liderado pela Frelimo (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) e a Renamo (Resistência Nacional de Moçambique), que pôs fim a uma guerra civil que durou dezesseis anos. Embora haja outros partidos políticos, o processo de democratização tem-se polarizado entre a Frelimo e a Renamo. Por essa razão a discussão do tema está em torno destes dois partidos, pois suas ações são determinantes para a consolidação da democracia no país. A pesquisa foca-se especialmente ao período 2005-2015 (período do governo de Armando Guebuza) momento em que várias incertezas, quanto à possibilidade da consolidação democrática, marcaram o processo. Neste sentido, a pesquisa tem como questão de partida a seguinte: Quais as possibilidades e limites para uma eventual consolidação democrática em Moçambique? Ou seja, que fatores podem contribuir para que a democracia moçambicana se consolide? Defende-se a ideia de que a democracia em Moçambique está sendo construída num ambiente em que os dois principais atores (Frelimo/Renamo) responsáveis pela assinatura do AGP conservam um poder real. Por um lado a Frelimo controla o Poder desde o AGP, em 1992, e por via disso o controlo da Forças de Defesa e Segurança e, por outro lado, a Renamo mantendo um grupo de milícias armados alegadamente para proteger o seu líder. Esta situação alimenta um conflito armado latente com todos os elementos para brotar a qualquer momento O principal objetivo é analisar criticamente a influência da polarização do processo entre a Frelimo e a Renamo para a consolidação da democracia em Moçambique. Esta discussão se enquadra dentro do tema de transições política e consolidação democrática, que vem dominando alguns debates dentro da Ciência Política, sobretudo aos dilemas da passagem de um regime de caráter autoritário para um regime de natureza democrático e os dilemas da consolidação do sistema democrático. A pesquisa é de natureza documental, destacando-se três tipos de documentos: oficiais (protocolos do AGP, algumas leis fundamentais e alguns vídeos contendo discursos das principais lideranças desses partidos); jornais (Savana e Notícias e Boletim sobre o Processo Político em Moçambique) e; relatórios acadêmicos (Instituto de Estudos Sociais e Económicos, afrobarometer, Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project). / Seeking to discuss about the Mozambican process of democratization, which began in 1992 with the Peace General Accord between Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front), the Party Government leader at the time, and Renamo (Mozambique National Resistance), the armed opposition, which ended a civil war that lasted sixteen, is drawn up this research. Although there are other political parties, the process of democratization is being polarized by Frelimo and Renamo. Thus, the topic of debate is around these two parties because their actions are crucial for the country democracy consolidation. This study focus on Armando Guebuzas governance era (2005-2015) time that so many uncertainties situations, in terms of possibility of democratic consolidation, marked the process. In this term the query is, are there possibilities and limits of an eventual democratic consolidation in Mozambique? In other words, which key factors can contribute to consolidate the Mozambique's democracy? It argue that, democracy in Mozambique is being built in an environment in which the two main actors (Frelimo / Renamo) responsible for signing the GPA retain real power. On the one hand, Frelimo has been in control of Power since the GPA in 1992, and thus, controls the Defense and Security Forces and, on the other hand, Renamo maintaining a group of armed militias allegedly to protect its leader This situation fuels a latent armed conflict with all the elements to sprout at any moment.The main objective is to analyze critically the influence of this polarization of Frelimo and Renamo, on the process, for democracy consolidation in Mozambique. This debate falls on theme of political transition and democratic consolidation, mainstream of debates in political science, especially to the dilemmas of the passage of an authoritarian regime to a system of democratic nature and dilemmas of democratic consolidation system. It´s a documentary research based in three type of documents: official (GPA protocols, some fundamental laws and some videos containing speeches of the main leaders of these parties), newspapers (Savana, Notícias and Boletim sobre o processo político em Moçambique) and; academic reports (Instituto de Estudos Sociais e Económicos, afrobarometer, Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project).

Este trabalho discute o processo de democratização de Moçambique, iniciado em 1992 com o Acordo Geral de Paz (AGP) entre o Governo liderado pela Frelimo (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) e a Renamo (Resistência Nacional de Moçambique), que pôs fim a uma guerra civil que durou dezesseis anos. Embora haja outros partidos políticos, o processo de democratização tem-se polarizado entre a Frelimo e a Renamo. Por essa razão a discussão do tema está em torno destes dois partidos, pois suas ações são determinantes para a consolidação da democracia no país. A pesquisa foca-se especialmente ao período 2005-2015 (período do governo de Armando Guebuza) momento em que várias incertezas, quanto à possibilidade da consolidação democrática, marcaram o processo. Neste sentido, a pesquisa tem como questão de partida a seguinte: Quais as possibilidades e limites para uma eventual consolidação democrática em Moçambique? Ou seja, que fatores podem contribuir para que a democracia moçambicana se consolide? Defende-se a ideia de que a democracia em Moçambique está sendo construída num ambiente em que os dois principais atores (Frelimo/Renamo) responsáveis pela assinatura do AGP conservam um poder real. Por um lado a Frelimo controla o Poder desde o AGP, em 1992, e por via disso o controlo da Forças de Defesa e Segurança e, por outro lado, a Renamo mantendo um grupo de milícias armados alegadamente para proteger o seu líder. Esta situação alimenta um conflito armado latente com todos os elementos para brotar a qualquer momento O principal objetivo é analisar criticamente a influência da polarização do processo entre a Frelimo e a Renamo para a consolidação da democracia em Moçambique. Esta discussão se enquadra dentro do tema de transições política e consolidação democrática, que vem dominando alguns debates dentro da Ciência Política, sobretudo aos dilemas da passagem de um regime de caráter autoritário para um regime de natureza democrático e os dilemas da consolidação do sistema democrático. A pesquisa é de natureza documental, destacando-se três tipos de documentos: oficiais (protocolos do AGP, algumas leis fundamentais e alguns vídeos contendo discursos das principais lideranças desses partidos); jornais (Savana e Notícias e Boletim sobre o Processo Político em Moçambique) e; relatórios acadêmicos (Instituto de Estudos Sociais e Económicos, afrobarometer, Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project). / Seeking to discuss about the Mozambican process of democratization, which began in 1992 with the Peace General Accord between Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front), the Party Government leader at the time, and Renamo (Mozambique National Resistance), the armed opposition, which ended a civil war that lasted sixteen, is drawn up this research. Although there are other political parties, the process of democratization is being polarized by Frelimo and Renamo. Thus, the topic of debate is around these two parties because their actions are crucial for the country democracy consolidation. This study focus on Armando Guebuzas governance era (2005-2015) time that so many uncertainties situations, in terms of possibility of democratic consolidation, marked the process. In this term the query is, are there possibilities and limits of an eventual democratic consolidation in Mozambique? In other words, which key factors can contribute to consolidate the Mozambique's democracy? It argue that, democracy in Mozambique is being built in an environment in which the two main actors (Frelimo / Renamo) responsible for signing the GPA retain real power. On the one hand, Frelimo has been in control of Power since the GPA in 1992, and thus, controls the Defense and Security Forces and, on the other hand, Renamo maintaining a group of armed militias allegedly to protect its leader This situation fuels a latent armed conflict with all the elements to sprout at any moment.The main objective is to analyze critically the influence of this polarization of Frelimo and Renamo, on the process, for democracy consolidation in Mozambique. This debate falls on theme of political transition and democratic consolidation, mainstream of debates in political science, especially to the dilemmas of the passage of an authoritarian regime to a system of democratic nature and dilemmas of democratic consolidation system. It´s a documentary research based in three type of documents: official (GPA protocols, some fundamental laws and some videos containing speeches of the main leaders of these parties), newspapers (Savana, Notícias and Boletim sobre o processo político em Moçambique) and; academic reports (Instituto de Estudos Sociais e Económicos, afrobarometer, Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project).

The Political action of citizen’s individually or collectively is always determined by a multiplicity of factors: first, political socialisation; second, logic of the dominant political culture in the society; third, factors of ideological nature; forth, religious factors to name but a few. In the particular case of Mozambique it can be seen that from independence in 1975 onwards the political and religious dimension went through several changes. In the political area the changes were observed more profoundly after the independence of the country under the orientation of FRELIMO the political party in power. From that moment until 1990 the country was governed by the domination of one political party under a Marxist system of socialism. In the religious arena, the domination of the Roman Catholic Church was observed prior to independence since it was working together with the dominators (Portuguese) and other Christian religions were persecuted by this church. However, after independence another dimension became a changing force within the country. First of all the relationship between FRELIMO and the church was not good. Second, from 1982 this relationship started to take on a positive nature. The questions that then arose were the following: What are the factors that might have contributed to this changed situation? How can this dimension be explained? What are the implications of these changes? This study seeks to discuss the role played by the church and the state in the democratisation process of Mozambique. It starts by exploring the general background of Mozambique where issues such as liberation, civil wars and eventually peace negotiations are discussed. It discusses also the church and state relationship highlighting the contribution from the protestant churches towards Mozambican independence. This study discusses and explains the reasons why the church should be participating in political issues in order to build a good and decent democracy for all the people in Mozambique. Following, it demonstrates and discusses in a nutshell some of the activities undertaken by different churches who have sought collaboration with civil society and political authorities for the edification of peace, democracy, development and the wellbeing of human beings in Mozambique. It also discusses some issues both positive and negative regarding the elections that have occurred in Mozambique. Finally from the observation and analysis that has been completed, the conclusion of this study is in the form of some recommendations which will help to improve the kind of democracy that the majority of the people in Mozambique crave. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Church History and Church Policy / unrestricted

The Reagan Administration took office in 1981 and began to implement against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), what became known as the Reagan Doctrine. The was an effort to break with previous the previous presidential administration’s policies toward the USSR and would involve the rollback of Communism, instead of simply just co-existing with Communism (Détente) or containing the spread of it. Part of the area that was subject to the Reagan Doctrine included the volatile southern African region, which had two Marxist-Leninist Regimes, namely Angola and Mozambique. Using Graham Allison’s bureaucratic political model, this study attempts to answer the question: “Even when all the prerequisites were met, why was there a decision to only implement a modified form of the Reagan Doctrine in Mozambique, instead of a full-blown effort, such as in, for example Angola or Afghanistan?” As will be shown in the research, the Reagan Doctrine was not a written doctrine, but had many different facets, as will be shown. The most significant part of the Reagan Doctrine was the recognition and arming of insurgents who confronted the Soviet backed regimes including RENAMO. There have been claims that the US Government did not recognize RENAMO. This is false as will be shown by the fact that President Reagan urged FRELIMO to negotiate with the RENAMO resistance. The real significance of this is that even if all prerequisites were met, why was there such reluctance to apply the doctrine with the veracity as compared to the effort in Angola and Afghanistan in arming RENAMO. Was the United States Government still trapped in the “Vietnam Syndrome”? Did the Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO) have the 3 same political and charismatic qualities as the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA)? Were special interests or lobbyists influencing government bureaucrats to view decisions in a specific way? A significant part of this study is devoted to the question of how much influence did the bureaucracy and the politicians (both appointed and career) had on the important national security decision-making process involving Mozambique. Another question that could be asked is: Was the doctrine indirectly applied through third parties? In 1989 when the Reagan Administration ended, did President Reagan and the Reagan Administration achieve their objectives toward Mozambique. If so, was this due to the Reagan Doctrine or other factors? If not, did any actors or events interfere with the strategy? / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

The Reagan Administration took office in 1981 and began to implement against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), what became known as the Reagan Doctrine. The was an effort to break with previous the previous presidential administration’s policies toward the USSR and would involve the rollback of Communism, instead of simply just co-existing with Communism (Détente) or containing the spread of it. Part of the area that was subject to the Reagan Doctrine included the volatile southern African region, which had two Marxist-Leninist Regimes, namely Angola and Mozambique. Using Graham Allison’s bureaucratic political model, this study attempts to answer the question: “Even when all the prerequisites were met, why was there a decision to only implement a modified form of the Reagan Doctrine in Mozambique, instead of a full-blown effort, such as in, for example Angola or Afghanistan?” As will be shown in the research, the Reagan Doctrine was not a written doctrine, but had many different facets, as will be shown. The most significant part of the Reagan Doctrine was the recognition and arming of insurgents who confronted the Soviet backed regimes including RENAMO. There have been claims that the US Government did not recognize RENAMO. This is false as will be shown by the fact that President Reagan urged FRELIMO to negotiate with the RENAMO resistance. The real significance of this is that even if all prerequisites were met, why was there such reluctance to apply the doctrine with the veracity as compared to the effort in Angola and Afghanistan in arming RENAMO. Was the United States Government still trapped in the “Vietnam Syndrome”? Did the Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO) have the 3 same political and charismatic qualities as the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA)? Were special interests or lobbyists influencing government bureaucrats to view decisions in a specific way? A significant part of this study is devoted to the question of how much influence did the bureaucracy and the politicians (both appointed and career) had on the important national security decision-making process involving Mozambique. Another question that could be asked is: Was the doctrine indirectly applied through third parties? In 1989 when the Reagan Administration ended, did President Reagan and the Reagan Administration achieve their objectives toward Mozambique. If so, was this due to the Reagan Doctrine or other factors? If not, did any actors or events interfere with the strategy? / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

<p>Rebel attacks on civilians constitute one of the gravest threats to human security in contemporary armed conflicts. But why do rebel groups kill civilians? The dissertation approaches this question from a strategic perspective, trying to understand when and why rebel groups are likely to target civilians as a conflict strategy. It combines quantitative studies using global data on rebel group violence with a case study of the civil war in Mozambique. The overall argument is that rebel groups target civilians as a way of improving their bargaining position in the war relative to the government. The dissertation consists of an introduction, which situates the study in a wider context, and four papers that all deal with different aspects of the overall research question. Paper I introduces new data on one-sided violence against civilians, presenting trends over time and comparing types of actors and conflicts. Paper II argues that democratic governments are particularly vulnerable to rebel attacks on civilians, since they are dependent on the population. Corroborating this claim, statistical evidence shows that rebels indeed kill more civilians when fighting a democratic government. Paper III argues that rebels target civilians more when losing on the battlefield, as a method of raising the costs for the government to continue fighting. A statistical analysis employing monthly data on battle outcomes and rebel violence, supports this argument. Paper IV takes a closer look at the case of Mozambique, arguing that the rebel group Renamo used large-scale violence in areas dominated by government constituents as a means for hurting the government. Taken together, these findings suggest that violence against civilians should be understood as a strategy, rather than a consequence, of war.</p>

Rebel attacks on civilians constitute one of the gravest threats to human security in contemporary armed conflicts. But why do rebel groups kill civilians? The dissertation approaches this question from a strategic perspective, trying to understand when and why rebel groups are likely to target civilians as a conflict strategy. It combines quantitative studies using global data on rebel group violence with a case study of the civil war in Mozambique. The overall argument is that rebel groups target civilians as a way of improving their bargaining position in the war relative to the government. The dissertation consists of an introduction, which situates the study in a wider context, and four papers that all deal with different aspects of the overall research question. Paper I introduces new data on one-sided violence against civilians, presenting trends over time and comparing types of actors and conflicts. Paper II argues that democratic governments are particularly vulnerable to rebel attacks on civilians, since they are dependent on the population. Corroborating this claim, statistical evidence shows that rebels indeed kill more civilians when fighting a democratic government. Paper III argues that rebels target civilians more when losing on the battlefield, as a method of raising the costs for the government to continue fighting. A statistical analysis employing monthly data on battle outcomes and rebel violence, supports this argument. Paper IV takes a closer look at the case of Mozambique, arguing that the rebel group Renamo used large-scale violence in areas dominated by government constituents as a means for hurting the government. Taken together, these findings suggest that violence against civilians should be understood as a strategy, rather than a consequence, of war.

This thesis explores the concept of hybridity within the context of rebel-to-party transformation, with a particular focus on Renamo during the period of 2015-2017 in Mozambique. This timeframe was marked by a resurgence of organised systematic violence, disrupting the relative peace that had prevailed in Mozambique since 1992. The central conflict revolved around the issue of local self-governance, with Renamo asserting its claim to govern in six out of Mozambique's ten provinces. During this period, Renamo operated both as a political party with a significant presence in parliament and as an armed group engaged in systematic violence. The rebel-to-party literature has sparked discussions about groups that seem to retain elements of their violent past while transitioning into political parties, leading to the emergence of the concept of hybrid parties. However, this concept remains relatively undefined and underexplored. This thesis seeks to contribute to this discussion through an in-depth qualitative study of Renamo's elite-level politicians, aiming to enhance our understanding of hybrid parties. The study, conducted during the conflict years, closely examines how elite politicians in Renamo navigate their dual roles. It encompasses 14 months of fieldwork from February 2015 to January 2017, drawing on elite interviews, elite-level public statements, and elite observations of parliament, enriched by ethnographic sensibility. The analysis is grounded in a theoretical framework that allows for an exploration of Renamo's behaviour and perceptions as both an armed group and a political party, particularly concerning the issue of local self-governance. Through this analysis, the study aims to elucidate the intersections, thereby advancing our comprehension of how hybridity manifests. The main findings suggest that Renamo's hybridity predominantly manifests through processes related to contemporaneity in behaviour, elite-level legitimisation, and one key political issue. Furthermore, I argue that the hybridity is maintained through narratives of democracy and a charismatic leader. The thesis advocates for a deeper exploration of these processes to enhance both empirical understanding and the theoretical discussion surrounding hybrid parties.

Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In 1992, warring factions in Mozambique put an end to 15 years of violence and instability. By signing the General Peace Accord in Rome, the civil war was officially over, and postconflict reconstruction could begin. The post-conflict state has been struggling with high poverty, weak infrastructure and the burden of returning refugees as well as internally displaced people (IDP’s) in the aftermath of the war. Moreover, in recent years, increasing domestic activity on the part of transnational criminal syndicates has become a major national and regional security dilemma. In this study, Mozambique, as a post-conflict state has been examined to identify the most important factors that lead to the increase and continuation in transnational crime in terms of human trafficking. Using prevailing state theories and post-conflict theories within the field of Political Science and analyzing Mozambique from the conceptual theoretical lenses of Max Weber, Charles Tilly, Shmuel N. Eistenstadt, and several other scholars, it is argued that there are numerous elements present within the state that have led to an increase in crime. These are first and foremost the (neo) patrimonial features of the state, corrupt state-officials, the state’s pluralist legal-system and a general lack of public trust in the legitimacy of the government. Incomplete post-conflict reconstruction efforts, resulting in lack of public goods, such as health-care, schooling and jobs along with a culture of exploitation and objectification of women and deep-rooted gender-inequality in Mozambique is argued to provide criminal syndicates with an opportunity to capitalize on organized crimes such as trafficking of humans. In recent years, positive developments manifest themselves through the international recognition of human trafficking and domestic ratifications of international laws and protocols to combat human trafficking. While Mozambique has ratified “The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children” this study reveals state factors that make the elimination of the crime of human trafficking in Mozambique difficult. The findings of the study are symbolic of a globalized problem. Combating transnational crime does not depend solely on international, regional and domestic cooperation through laws and regulations; it also necessitates increased national efforts in dealing with the root-causes of trafficking and to increase the political and public awareness in the country towards this human rights violation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In 1992 het strydende groepe in Mosambiek 'n einde gemaak aan 15 jaar van geweld en onstabiliteit. Met die ondertekening van die Algemene Vredesverdrag in Rome, is die burgeroorlog amptelik beëindig en post-konflik rekonstruksie kon begin. Die post-konflik staat het gesukkel met hoë armoede, swak infrastruktuur en die las van terugkerende vlugtelinge en interne verplaasde persone in die nadraai van die oorlog. Daarbenewens het toenemende plaaslike aktiwiteite van transnasionale kriminele sindikate in die afgelope jare 'n groot nasionale en streeks-sekuriteitsdilemma geword. In hierdie studie is Mosambiek as 'n post-konflik staat geanaliseer om die mees belangrike faktore wat tot die toename in transnasionale misdaad (in terme van mensehandel) gelei het, te identifiseer. Deur gebruik te maak van bestaande staatsteorieë en post-konflik teorieë in die veld van Politieke Wetenskap en deur Mosambiek te analiseer uit die teoretiese blik van Max Weber, Charles Tilly, Shmuel N. Eistenstadt, en andere, word daar geargumenteer dat daar verskeie elemente binne die staat is wat tot dié toename in misdaad gelei het. Allereers is die neo(patrimoniale) kenmerke van die staat, korrupte staatsamptenare, die pluralistiese regstelsel en algemene gebrek aan publieke vertroue in die regering. Daar word geargumenteer dat onvolledige post-konflik rekonstruksie, wat 'n tekort aan publieke goedere soos gesondheidsorg, opvoeding en werk tot gevolg het, tesame met 'n kultuur van die seksualisering van vroue en diep-gewortelde geslagsongelykheid in die staat, vir kriminele sindikate geleenthede vir organiseerde misdaad soos mensehandel bied. In die afgelope jare het positiewe ontwikkelinge gemanifisteer deur die internationale erkenning van mensehandel en die plaaslike bekragtigings van internationale wette en protokols om mensehandel te bestry. Alhoewel Mosambiek "The Protocol to Prevent, Supress and Punish Traffickin in Persons, especially Women and Children" bekragtig het, toon die studie dat sekere staatsfaktore die uitwissing van mensehandel in Mosambiek moeilik maak. Die bevindinge van die studie is simbolies van 'n globaliseerde probleem; die bestryding van transnasionale misdaad berus nie net op internasionale, streek en plaaslike samewerking deur wette en regulasies nie, maar dit noodsaak ook verhoogde nasionale inspanning om die grondoorsake van mensehandel te hanteer en om politieke en publieke bewustheid omtrent dié menseregteskending in die land te verhoog.