Thesis (S.J.D.)--Faculty of Law, University of Sydney, 2003. / Title from title screen (viewed 21st January, 2009) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Faculty of Law, University of Sydney. Bibliography: leaves 356-396. Also available in print form.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Trinity International University, 2007. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 220-224).

- / -

For over a century, both France and the United States have struggled with how to best bring citizens and immigrants into a common culture through civic education. While it is still true that both countries attempt to bring citizens into a common culture, it appears that the two countries have diverged in the past few decades. While the U.S. still highlights the importance of democratic values and active political participation, we do not attempt to bring everyone into a greater common culture. Instead, civics and historical curriculum take a multiculturalist approach, celebrating different cultures and historical heroes that have come from a variety of racial, ethnic, and religious backgrounds. Conversely, French civic curriculum emphasizes a universal common culture that all citizens are a part of. While the French acknowledge that citizens come from a variety of different backgrounds, differences are not celebrated. Instead common values like human rights and laïcité (secularism) are emphasized. While these two approaches appear very different, upon further inspection one will find that the two approaches have similarities. By the French ignoring cultural differences and the U.S. only discussing the superficial aspects of culture, both trivialize culture and ignore the deeper cultural differences that cause division. Ultimately, the lack of discussion surrounding cultural differences does not allow citizens to have honest and productive discussions about the controversies that arise in pluralistic societies.

Against the backdrop that multiculturalism has failed in Western Europe, this thesis argues that minority rights standards should be applied to Western European Muslims. Western European States have consistently excluded Muslims from minority rights protection under international law on the basis that they constitute 'new minorities'. However, this thesis asserts that the justifications given by States for the exclusion of Western European Muslims from minority rights protection no longer hold true and have the potential to undermine the object and purpose of the minority rights regime – security and justice. Furthermore, by considering the content of both generally applicable human rights standards and minority rights standards in the light of the situation and specific claims made by Muslim minorities in Western Europe, in relation to the preservation of their identity, this thesis proves that there is an added-value to minority rights protection for these communities. Minority rights standards and multiculturalist policies adopt a similar approach to the accommodation of societal diversity. Thus, given the exclusion of Western European Muslims from the additional protection offered by minority rights standards, this thesis submits that multiculturalist approaches to the accommodation of European Muslims have not failed; insufficient measures have been adopted to ensure their success. If a multiculturalist approach to the accommodation of diversity is to be pursued in Western Europe, States must allow Muslim minorities to benefit from the protection available under minority rights standards.

The purpose of this qualitative inquiry was to examine retrospective experiences of bullying among a diverse sample of ethnic minority and lesbian, gay, and bisexual college students. This study examined the language that college students used to describe forms of peer aggression that they may have experienced or observed during their elementary, middle school, or high school years. The ways in which they made meaning of their experiences of peer aggression and interpreted effects of such experiences were assessed. The specific meanings that participants attached to the term `bullying' were also explored. This study attended to the influence of multicultural group memberships on language usage and meaning-making of peer aggression. Finally, this inquiry included an exploration of the impact of stigma upon assuming or avoiding personal identification as a victim of peer aggression. This qualitative investigation employed individual interviewing with college students in order to explore the primary research questions and utilized constructivist grounded theory methods and analysis. According to the results, issues of cultural identity and cultural context emerged as strong themes in this investigation. Peer aggression experienced by culturally diverse individuals often involved identity-specific peer interactions which occurred within or emerged out of cultural context. The implications of these results are that attending to culture and context may be crucial to gaining an understanding of the social worlds of minority-identified people and to developing more culturally relevant research and practice. The findings also support calls for continued research on the role of culture in the nature of and meanings associated with bullying. Moreover, the results indicated that the participants tended to minimize experiences and outcomes of bullying and to distance themselves from stigmatized victim identities. These factors may undermine constructions of bullying as a social problem and thus warrant further attention by claims-makers interested in drawing attention to this issue.

This dissertation studies the cultural imagination of Manchukuo the nation (1932-1945). As a nominal nation-state imposed upon Chinese Manchuria by the Empire of Japan, Manchukuo is a contradiction between sovereignty and coloniality, both due to the historical competition of geopolitical powers in the region and its multiethnic composition of the national community. In its short political life, Manchukuo bears witness to an unprecedented flourish of literary and film production. This textual corpus remains understudied and its relationship to Chinese literature and culture or Japanese literature and culture is insufficiently explored. Armed with postcolonial and minority discourse, this project examines how Manchukuo cultural production mediates the notion of the nation and sovereignty in the context of Japanese imperialism. The close reading and critical interrogation of this body of literary and filmic texts shall generate provocative questions for the reconstruction of Chinese literary studies and East Asian studies. The body of the dissertation consists of four interrelated arguments. Framing the reading in the context of recent scholarly debate on “the Sinophone,” Chapter two considers Manchukuo literature as a “minor literature” whose distinction lies in its writers’ use of “deterritorialized” Chinese, Japanese, and Russian. Multilingualism and multiethnicity are therefore the (trans)national features of Manchukuo literary production. This literary “sovereignty” is then re-examined through the representation of Manchukuo’s women and family in Chapter three. Interpreting coloniality through reading gender relations, this chapter highlights the unusual progressive portrayal of women in Manchukuo. This discovery of Manchukuo women’s autonomy and mobility is reinforced in the interpretation of Manchukuo’s dramatic feature films. Working through feminist critique of gender division and looking into magazines of the era, chapter four and five analyze the films’ explanation of a contradiction within Japanese imperialism. This contradiction of “sovereignty” and “submission” gets further elaboration in Chapter five. An interpretation of the star text of Ri Kōran reveals her stardom and Manchukuo film musical provides a unique anti-romantic “affiliation” of the Manchukuo nation.

In 2006, millions of Immigrant Rights Movement (IRM) activists and allies stomped through the streets of cities throughout the United States. Attracting a diverse array of participants, the IRM includes immigrants and non-immigrants and people from varying religious and non-religious traditions. This dissertation focuses on the social cohesion as an element of the collective identity of this multicultural and multi-faith movement. Taking the IRM in San Diego County as a critical case, this study included data from forty-nine extensive formal interviews with movement participants in sixteen organizations, along with countless informal conversations during participant observation in over two hundred activist-organized events from April 2006 until August 2008. By focusing on movement narratives, frames, and patterns of interaction, this study finds that stories of change, a progressively inclusive moral framework, and what I call "multicultural activist etiquette" serve as unifying mechanisms in the IRM. In stories of change, we hear how activists articulated the right to migrate and advocate for worker rights through shared narratives of agitation and hope-generating stories of collective action. A shared sense of injustice and collectively focused movement goals are informed by a belief system about how the world ought to operate that is located at the ideological intersection between religious and non-religious. An inclusive and humanitarian moral framework provided the common ground upon which diverse activists organize, but this progressive moral framework was differently legitimated by the diverse religious and non-religious traditions of the activists. They agreed that all people are inherently equal, and everyone ought to care for one another, upholding an emphasis on marginalized immigrants. This over-arching moral framework moved beyond multicultural and multi-faith rhetoric and helped guide and affirm the way activists interacted in meeting spaces. Together, they constructed a code of collaboration, the multicultural activist etiquette, that facilitated equality within organizational processes, in an emotionally and physically secure meeting space, while focusing on productivity toward movement goals. Finally, this study recognizes immigrant activists as "rule-changers," agents of change collaborating to improve their own quality of life in the U.S. It thus offers an alternative to current perspectives on immigrant assimilation into American society.

FURTADO, Luis Achilles Rodrigues. Sua Majestade o Autista: fascínio, intolerância e exclusão no mundo contemporâneo. 2011. 206f. – Tese (Doutorado) Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2011. / Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-05-16T15:21:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_larfurtado.pdf: 1103220 bytes, checksum: a1cc868d636616e1c74dcc97552a6ca0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-05-17T11:54:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_larfurtado.pdf: 1103220 bytes, checksum: a1cc868d636616e1c74dcc97552a6ca0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-17T11:54:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_larfurtado.pdf: 1103220 bytes, checksum: a1cc868d636616e1c74dcc97552a6ca0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Autism, since the experience reported by Jean Itard, had always fascinated those who dedicate themselves to their study, education and treatment. This research sought to investigate the effect of this fascination in their ideological and fantasistic determinations. To this end, we discuss the history of the controversies around this concept, theoretical-clinical inaccuracies since its conception and its consequences for inclusive education. We conducted a critical reading of some authors inspired by Jacques Lacan’s teaching while producing a revision to its literal belief, as well as that of Sigmund Freud. The methodology used in this work is a bibliographic study whereby we use concepts of Lacanian psychoanalysis as theoretical-methodological feature, performing at the same time, its relations with the field of education and politics. The incursions by these fields take the work of authors like Slavoj Žižek, Colette Soler and Marie-Jean Sauret as references which allowed us to articulate the fascination surrounding the figure of Autistic to multiculturalists movements, exemplified in the neurodiversity movement. The research allowed us to distinguish the autism that treats the psychoanalysis of neuroscience’s autism, as well as formulate that is not only different phenomena, but that the issue on the truth about autism is poorly worded and implies the deletion of the subjective dimension of these people, consistent with the prevailing ideology in the world of global capitalism. The consequence of this kind of manichaean reading is the appearance of a framework of intolerance in the discourse of the present respect differences, creating and reinforcing the existence of unique spaces for autistic, going against the grain of what should be understood like inclusive education. / O autismo, desde a experiência relatada por Jean Itard, sempre causou fascínio sobre aqueles que se dedicam ao seu estudo, educação e tratamento. Esta pesquisa buscou investigar o sentido deste fascínio nas suas determinações fantasísticas e ideológicas. Para tanto, abordamos a história das polêmicas em torno deste conceito, as imprecisões teórico-clínicas desde sua concepção e suas consequências para a educação inclusiva. Realizamos uma leitura crítica de alguns autores inspirados pelo ensino de Jacques Lacan, ao mesmo tempo em que elaboramos uma revisão à sua opinião literal, bem como a de Sigmund Freud. A metodologia utilizada neste trabalho é um estudo bibliográfico através do qual utilizamos os conceitos da psicanálise lacaniana como recurso teórico-metodológico para a análise, realizando, ao mesmo tempo, suas relações com o campo da Educação e da Política. As incursões por estes campos tomam autores como Slavoj Žižek , Colette Soler e Marie-Jean Sauret como referências que nos permitiram articular o fascínio em torno da figura do Autista aos movimentos multiculturalistas, exemplificados no movimento da neurodiversidade. A pesquisa nos permitiu distinguir o autismo de que trata a psicanálise do autismo das neurociências, bem como formular que não se trata apenas de fenômenos diferentes, mas que a questão em torno da verdade sobre o autismo é mal-formulada e implica no apagamento da dimensão subjetiva dessas pessoas, coerente com a ideologia vigente no mundo do capitalismo global. A consequência de uma leitura maniqueísta do autismo é o aparecimento de um quadro de intolerância jacente no discurso do respeito às diferenças, criando e reforçando a existência de espaços exclusivos para autistas, indo na contramão do que se pode entender como educação inclusiva.

La politique linguistique se présente comme un ensemble de mesures qu’adopte un État vis-à-vis d’une ou plusieurs langues parlées sur le territoire relevant de sa souveraineté, pour en modifier le corpus ou le statut. Les politiques linguistiques répondent généralement aux impératifs d’ordre idéologique, culturel, économique ou politique. En effet, les langues et le pouvoir entretiennent des liens étroits à travers la structure de la société. Historiquement, certaines transformations politiques sont à l’origine de modifications plus ou moins importantes du statut et du cadre institutionnel de la ou des langues de la société. Le cas de la République de Guinée Équatoriale de la colonisation espagnole à nos jours, en est particulièrement illustratif. Pendant la période coloniale espagnole (1858-1968), l'espagnol était la langue unique et obligatoire de l'administration, de la justice et de l'enseignement. L'Espagne a mis en oeuvre l'idéologie monolingue assimilationniste. (....). Après l'indépendance acquise en 1968, l'espagnol est devenu la langue officielle du nouvel état et l'hispanisation s'est poursuivie...(...). De 1979 à nos jours, l'Etat équato-guinéen applique une politique linguisique qui se fonde sur des enjeux culturels, économiques et géopolitiques. elle se caractérise par le renforcement de la langue espagnole, l'attribution du statut de langues officielles au français et au portugais. Par contre les langues natives ne bénéficient d'aucun statut public. (...) / The linguistic policy is a set of measures taken by a State concerning one or many languages that are spoken in the territory placed under its sovereignty, in order to change the corpus or statute. In general, linguistic policies are based on ideological, cultural, economic and political goals. In fact, languages and power are strongly linked within the structure of the society. In the history, political factors have changed the statute and institutional framework of the society languages. The case of The Republic of Equatorial Guinea from the Spanish colonization to nowadays is particularly relevant. During the spanish colonial period (1858-1968), Spain expanded its language to the detriment of local Bantu and creole languages. The use of spanish was compulsory in administration, justice, schools....(...). The colony became independent in 1968. Spanish was official language of the new State and hispanization went on....(...). From 1979 to present day, the Equato-guinéan State is enforcing a linguistic policy based on cultural, economic and geopolitical goals.The use of Spanish is reinforced, French and Portuguese became official languages. But native languages don't have any public statute....(...)