Poverty, ethnicity and religious fundamentalism are the most pressing problems of the 21st century. According to this Indian author, democratisation on the national and international level is the only way to overcome these problems. One reason for the failing of the international institutions is the insufficient representation of the world community, especially in the UN Security Council. A reform of the United Nations seems indispensable. The war against international terrorism is essential but has to be waged without the differentiation between good and bad terrorists.

The international community criticises the unilateral actions of the US in Iraq. As a reaction, the United States tries to extend their sphere of influence in other regions. The Brazilian author warns that Brazil in particular could be exposed to this increasing pressure. Therefore Brazil has to take the following five measures: strengthening of Mercosur, a Free Trade Area between the Andean Community and Mercosur, a cooperation agreement with the EU, cooperation with other NICs, and lobbying inside the US.

Mit dem Ende des Kalten Krieges und der Auflösung der bipolaren Konfrontation trat die Diskussion um eine neue internationale Ordnung auf die politische Agenda. Staaten haben verschiedene Szenarien eingebracht, um für Akzeptanz in der neu geordneten Weltgemeinschaft zu werben. Zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts, insbesondere nach den Anschlägen vom 11. September 2001, hat sich die internationale Lage sehr verändert. Die Etablierung einer neuen Weltordnung ist dringlicher denn je geworden. Aber wie soll diese neue Ordnung aussehen, und wie kann sie Frieden und Entwicklung wirksam voranbringen? / Although the international community proclaimed peace and development as its priorities, developing countries are excluded from the benefits produced by globalisation. To improve this situation, the Chinese author proposes a new world order based on democratic principles, dialogue and peaceful coexistence. Any involvement in domestic matters of sovereign states is unacceptable; every country has its own path to development within this new world order. That conception reflects the Chinese interests as well as those of all other sovereign countries.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-10-09T12:44:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2014-10-09T14:07:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 06877.pdf: 2398277 bytes, checksum: 6a31db50e9c30a1d4accb1406da6a345 (MD5) / Tese (Doutoramento) / IPEN/T / Instituto de Pesquisas Energeticas e Nucleares - IPEN/CNEN-SP

Russian-Chinese relations have been differed by the complex and full relations, which have been highly emerged since the end of the Cold War. Transition of the power in the world system had overcome the intention of Russia and China for the closer cooperation in order to decline the American sole hegemony. Concluding the Friendship treaty, it had become the first step towards cooperation which today can be considered as stable one. Master thesis will be focused on the realist approach, which at the same time will help to evaluate Rusian-Chinese relation through the pragmatic realist prism. Analyzing the relations in a global context within further movement to regional one, I will try to experience Sino-Russian relations through different approaches and relying on the balance of power theory. Description of the strategic partnership, supported by the multipolar world view and multilateral diplomacy as the tool for the national interests promotion, the research will move towards bilateral modes estimating security, political and economic relations. All in all, the conclusion will be made in order to predict the future of the Russian-Chinese relations and results which both countries have achieved by now.

No description available.

Au cours des dernières décennies, l’important mouvement de déconcentration territoriale évoluant au sein de nombreuses métropoles à travers le monde a indéniablement su bouleverser leurs dynamiques territoriales, notamment en termes d’organisation spatiale des fonctions urbaines et de mobilité. Ce phénomène n’a pas manqué de susciter l’intérêt de nombreux auteurs, toutefois, face à la variété des facteurs d’influence et aux nombreuses spécificités locales, ces études se sont régulièrement révélées divergentes, voire contradictoires. Ainsi, de nombreuses incertitudes demeurent. La déconcentration des activités serait-elle en mesure de favoriser une meilleure adéquation des lieux de résidence et de travail au sein des territoires métropolitains? Quels en sont les conséquences sur les migrations alternantes? À l’heure où la mobilité constitue à la fois un facteur clé du développement des villes et un enjeu majeur quant aux ’émissions de GES et, alors que le mouvement de déconcentration demeure très actuel et poursuit sa progression, ce mémoire vise à enrichir le débat en proposant une étude basée sur l’analyse des plus récentes formes de distribution des activités métropolitaines en lien avec les caractéristiques de navettage, le tout dans une optique d’évaluation de la durabilité des déplacements. Le cas de Montréal, une métropole dont l’organisation spatiale a été considérée atypique en Amérique du nord, a été observé. L’analyse réalisée comprend trois grandes étapes. L’espace métropolitain montréalais a d’abord fait l’objet d’une caractérisation basée sur une typologie développée en France et basée sur divers critères reliés à la localisation emploi-résidence. Cette typologie a ensuite servi de base à une analyse des déplacements pendulaires, entre 2003 et 2008. Le portrait obtenu a finalement été opposé à celui résultant d’une analyse basée sur un découpage plus traditionnel « centre-banlieue-périphérie » de l’espace métropolitain. Les résultats suggèrent, à l’instar d’autres études, que la seule proximité des lieux d’emploi et de résidence ne suffit pas à favoriser des pratiques de navettage plus durables. D’un point de vue méthodologique, l’étude révèle également la pertinence des deux types d’approches proposés, de même que leur complémentarité. / Over the past decades, many cities have been facing an important decentralization movement resulting in major changes in territorial dynamics, especially in terms of spatial organization and mobility. Growing interest in these questions led many authors to investigate the subject. However, facing the wide variety of factors and the influence of local specificities, these studies regularly show diverging or even contradictory results. Hence, the real impact of the decentralization movement remains uncertain. Does decentralization improve home-work connections in metropolitan regions? What are the consequences of these reorganizations on commuting? Mobility is not only a key factor in the development of cities but it is also a key player in terms of GHG emissions. As the decentralization movement progresses, this study aims to analyze the most recent forms of distribution patterns in metropolitan activities with respect to commuting characteristics. It also aims to evaluate these tendencies in a sustainable perspective. The specific case of Montreal, considered atypical in North America in terms of spatial organization, will be observed. This study contains three main parts. First, the Montreal metropolitan area was characterized in relation to the typology developed in France. This methodology refers to criteria based on job and resident location. Second, using the established typology, an analysis of commuting between 2003 and 2008 gave a better understanding of major tendencies with respect to commuting within the metropolitan area. Finally, these results were opposed to a more traditional analysis, based on a centre-suburban-peripheral characterization. Results suggest that, as some previous studies showed, proximity of home and work locations on its own is not sufficient to induce more sustainable commuting patterns. On a methodological basis, this study showed the adequacy of combining multiple approaches as the two typologies employed in the present case revealed complementary results.

Este trabalho tem como tema central a relação entre a República Popular Democrática da Coreia (Coreia do Norte) e a Republica da Coreia (Coreia do Sul) com seus vizinhos (China, Japão, Rússia) e com atores regionais (Estados Unidos da América), e as implicações destas relações sobre o equilíbrio regional. O objetivo central do mesmo é analisar as implicações que decorrem da instabilidade na península coreana para o equilíbrio regional. Assim, buscará analisar em que medida a modificação no padrão de cooperação ou conflito entre as duas Coreias altera ou interfere na relação entre todos os atores envolvidos, nomeadamente China, Japão, Rússia e Estados Unidos. Destarte, este trabalho analisará o quanto uma mudança brusca na estabilidade securitária na península influencia na dinâmica regional de segurança. O trabalho está estruturado em três capítulos. O primeiro capítulo trata da evolução histórica da dinâmica regional de segurança, abordando os aspectos estratégicos e políticos que conduziram ao status quo atual na península coreana. É nesse capítulo que se verifica a emergência da industrialização sul-coreana, central para o atual processo de modernização do país, e as origens do programa nuclear norte-coreano, eixo das questões securitárias no Leste Asiático. O segundo capítulo tem como objetivo analisar o contexto regional de segurança e a Política Externa e de Segurança das Grandes Potências, nomeadamente China, EUA, Japão e Rússia, para o Leste Asiático. O terceiro capítulo analisa a Política Externa e de Segurança da República Democrática Popular da Coreia e da República da Coreia. Nesse sentido, verifica os principais fatores que tem pautado a inserção internacional desses países e os condicionantes que podem vir a ser centrais para eventuais mudanças na estabilidade regional. / This work is focused on the relationship between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) and the Republic of Korea (South Korea) with their neighbors (China, Japan, Russia) and regional actors (United States) and the implications of these relationships on the regional balance. The main purpose is to analyze the implications arising from the instability on the Korean peninsula for the regional balance. This way, it seeks to examine to what extent the change in the pattern of cooperation or conflict between the two Koreas alters or interferes the relationship between all actors involved, including China, Japan, Russia and the United States. Thus, this paper examines how an abrupt change in the security stability on the peninsula influences in the regional security dynamics. The work is structured in three chapters. The first chapter deals with the historical evolution of the regional security dynamics, addressing strategic and political factors that led to the current status quo on the Korean peninsula aspects. This chapter verifies the emergence of South Korean industrialization - that is central to the current process of modernization of the nation - and verifies the origins of the North Korean nuclear program, which is the securitarian axis of the issues in East Asia. The second chapter aims to analyze the regional security context and Foreign and Security Policy of the Great Powers, including China, USA, Japan and Russia for East Asia. The third chapter analyzes the Foreign and Security Policy of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea. In this sense, it checks the main factors that have guided the international integration of these countries and the conditions that may be central to any changes in regional stability.

Este trabalho tem como tema central a relação entre a República Popular Democrática da Coreia (Coreia do Norte) e a Republica da Coreia (Coreia do Sul) com seus vizinhos (China, Japão, Rússia) e com atores regionais (Estados Unidos da América), e as implicações destas relações sobre o equilíbrio regional. O objetivo central do mesmo é analisar as implicações que decorrem da instabilidade na península coreana para o equilíbrio regional. Assim, buscará analisar em que medida a modificação no padrão de cooperação ou conflito entre as duas Coreias altera ou interfere na relação entre todos os atores envolvidos, nomeadamente China, Japão, Rússia e Estados Unidos. Destarte, este trabalho analisará o quanto uma mudança brusca na estabilidade securitária na península influencia na dinâmica regional de segurança. O trabalho está estruturado em três capítulos. O primeiro capítulo trata da evolução histórica da dinâmica regional de segurança, abordando os aspectos estratégicos e políticos que conduziram ao status quo atual na península coreana. É nesse capítulo que se verifica a emergência da industrialização sul-coreana, central para o atual processo de modernização do país, e as origens do programa nuclear norte-coreano, eixo das questões securitárias no Leste Asiático. O segundo capítulo tem como objetivo analisar o contexto regional de segurança e a Política Externa e de Segurança das Grandes Potências, nomeadamente China, EUA, Japão e Rússia, para o Leste Asiático. O terceiro capítulo analisa a Política Externa e de Segurança da República Democrática Popular da Coreia e da República da Coreia. Nesse sentido, verifica os principais fatores que tem pautado a inserção internacional desses países e os condicionantes que podem vir a ser centrais para eventuais mudanças na estabilidade regional. / This work is focused on the relationship between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) and the Republic of Korea (South Korea) with their neighbors (China, Japan, Russia) and regional actors (United States) and the implications of these relationships on the regional balance. The main purpose is to analyze the implications arising from the instability on the Korean peninsula for the regional balance. This way, it seeks to examine to what extent the change in the pattern of cooperation or conflict between the two Koreas alters or interferes the relationship between all actors involved, including China, Japan, Russia and the United States. Thus, this paper examines how an abrupt change in the security stability on the peninsula influences in the regional security dynamics. The work is structured in three chapters. The first chapter deals with the historical evolution of the regional security dynamics, addressing strategic and political factors that led to the current status quo on the Korean peninsula aspects. This chapter verifies the emergence of South Korean industrialization - that is central to the current process of modernization of the nation - and verifies the origins of the North Korean nuclear program, which is the securitarian axis of the issues in East Asia. The second chapter aims to analyze the regional security context and Foreign and Security Policy of the Great Powers, including China, USA, Japan and Russia for East Asia. The third chapter analyzes the Foreign and Security Policy of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea. In this sense, it checks the main factors that have guided the international integration of these countries and the conditions that may be central to any changes in regional stability.