This study explores the usage of the memory of the bombings of Belgrade from WWII in the time period of Yugoslavia from 1995 until 2003. Considering that Belgrade was bombed by two opposing forces during WWII, once by Nazis in 1941, and the second time by the Allies in 1944, and due to the fact that the exploitation of memory of the two bombings was rather unequal during the Socialist Yugoslavia with the latter bombings being a taboo theme, I was interested in answering following questions: how the two memories were used in the times before, during and after the NATO Air Strikes of Yugoslavia, if the memory of the Allied bombings emerged in the public sphere and how it coexists with the one of the Nazi bombings. My primary sources are articles from "Politika" newspaper issues from commemoration dates during the research time frame from 1995 until 2003. The final conclusion shows the dominant usage of the memory of the Nazi bombings throughout the whole time frame even though we could witness the emergence of the memory of the Allied bombings.

The special issue revisits the NATO intervention in the 1998–1999 Kosovo War by bringing together comparative perspectives from the war-affected states of the former Yugoslavia, on the one hand, and countries that supported or opposed NATO, on the other. The authors in this special issue look at the mediatization of the NATO intervention and its ambivalent legacies in and beyond the Yugoslav region. They provide insights into contested processes of mobilization for or against a military intervention in the Kosovo War, focusing on the case studies of Greece, Germany, and China. Moreover, they analyze the political legacies and mnemonic practices in the aftermath of this military intervention by highlighting the opposing narratives of memory politics in Kosovo and Serbia.

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This study deals with sexual violence in the Kosovo conflict. Adopting a broad timeframe from 1998/99 to 2019 it analyses the discourse about sexual violence and considers the actors involved, focussing on practices of silencing and “un-silencing”. In 1998/99 international actors, particularly NATO member states, brought sexual violence into their narrative to justify military intervention. It was not until 2012, after more than a decade of silence, that conflict-related sexual violence began to be integrated into the narrative of heroism and victory in Kosovo itself. The author highlights particular turning points of the breaking of silence about wartime sexual violence when for the sake of certain political interests it came to be presented as a threat to the nation. Finally, she shows that aspects of gender hierarchization were hidden, which contributed once again to the reimposition of silence on individual survivors of sexual violence.