This dissertation starts from the observation that expectations and perceptions of non-members of the EU are usually neglected in the study of EU's enlargement process. In order to better understand the sources of pro-integration (or anti-integration) foreign policies of the neighboring states, I employ the conceptual apparatus of "role theory". This work utilities the concept of "national role conception", defined as domestically shared views and understandings regarding the proper role and purpose of one's own state as a social collectivity in the international arena. On the cases of Russia and Turkey, I show how historically constituted domestically shared ideas about a role, function (or mission) of a particular state within wider international (European) environment inform their respective policies towards contemporary EU. For the Turkish elite's understandings of the proper role of Turkey within broader international environment is typical the dominance of kemalist nationalist discourse of modernization. Modernization and the quest for the status of respected European power form the core of Turkish identity. In light of this perceptions, the EU membership fits into the kemalist discourse as an accomplishment of the historical mission of attaining the standards of contemporary civilization. On the other side, the discourse of Russian elites is embedded predominantly in universalist messianic discourse, which is often spiced with realist and geopolitical concepts. To sum up, if we want to understand why Russia does not even think about the possibility of entering the EU, we have to take into account the burden of universalist tasks which Russia feels obliged to cary in the name of History or God. Moreover, Russia feels the obligation to protect (both from external threats and internal decay) Europe itself. Entrance into the EU would, quite logically, jeopardize the fulfillment of this historical tasks.

This thesis seeks to understand underlying reasons why Sweden’s long tradition of non-alignment suddenly changed in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It argues that it was not solely due to strategic chock. The thesis is based on the theory framework of national role conception, which has the conceptual mechanism for understanding foreign policy decision-making dynamics. Methodologically, it focuses on narratives from an interpretive perspective to discover role perceptions and role changes. Empirically, this is analysed based on the defence policy, during the period 2014 to 2022, and the transformation that took place of Swedish defence. The result shows a gradual shift from previous core political values, enabling a different perception of roles.

This bachelor’s thesis in Political Science, is essentially a study of contemporary French foreign and security policy ‘roles’. Drawing on a doctoral thesis by Lisbeth Aggestam (2004), it investigates French National Role Conceptions, using Foreign Policy Analysis Role Theory. It thoroughly examines the nature of foreign policy-making and, notably, it explores the notions of foreign policy ‘roles’, ‘identity’ and ‘national role conceptions’. The study encompasses over twenty key foreign and security policy centred allocutions delivered by the present French President, François Hollande, between the years 2012-16. Primarily, it aims at answering whether French National Role Conceptions, as conceived of by Aggestam at the turn of the millennium, are still relevant for the understanding of current French foreign and security policy and action. Aggestam’s French national ‘role-set’ therefore serves as the eminent point of reference and comparison throughout the analysis. In a broader sense, the essay also aims at investigating the ideational basis to contemporary French foreign and security policy roles. More narrowly, a special consideration has been accorded the notion of ‘Europe de la défense’ (Europe of defence), a key idea in modern French foreign and security policy. The principal findings of the analysis show that most of the French National Role Conceptions identified by Aggestam, continue to be relevant. On the ideational level, France’s current self-image is arguably even more intimately suffused by the notion of ‘Europe’. On the foreign and security policy area, this is reflected in the continued French aim of constructing ‘Europe de la défense’, which is central to the general understanding of the French role-set. Lastly, the investigation supports the notion that French foreign and security policy roles are nourished by a ‘realistic idealism’, as advanced by Aggestam.

The present research is an analysis of the political decision-making process in Israel in relation to two crises, the summer of 1982 and the summer of 2006, preceding respectively the First and Second Lebanon wars. The present research is structured in accordance with the theoretical posture of Neoclassical Realism. Although still a young school of thought, the theoretical roots of Neoclassical Realism can be found in Classical Realism and Neo-realism - concerning the role of the State in the international system, and are integrated with the study of the domestic level and the role of the deciders in the elaboration of foreign policy decisions. By making the link between the international and domestic level explicit, this thesis allows grasping the full extent of the origins and implications of a State’s foreign policy. In addition, in order to study the relevance of a long-term approach in researches on decision-making processes, Historical Institutionalism complements Neoclassical Realism in the theoretical framework. To answer the research question the present research is based on the “process tracing” methodology, which aims at uncovering the mechanisms - that is the tangible expression of actors and their actions - and aims at explaining how these are linked to their surrounding environment. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished