Honours Degree / James April, [hereafter referred to as April] was a member of the ANC's military wing Umkhonto we Sizwe [otherwise referred to as MK. What might have seemed unusual to the court that day, and to many onlookers, was the fact that he was a "Cape Coloured" man espousing his allegiance to the ANC and praising it as" ... the spirit of the African people". April and Basil February Chis close friend and comrade] were among the first non-African people to join MK thereby recognising the common destiny of all black people. In part,to tell April's [and Basil February's] story is to explore from an individual perspective the capacity and ability of people to overcome their socialisation, and to rise above conformity and social restrictions. Most of all, April's story is of an activist whose political involvement led him to realise the inevitability and necessity of armed struggle. Furthermore, it is the story of the commitment of his life to this very armed struggle.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Syracuse University, 2008. / "Publication number: AAT 3323067."

Th. doct.--Hist.--Barcelone, 1994. / Bibliogr., 12 p.

Thesis (M.A. (Political and International Studies))--Rhodes University, 2005. / A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in Political Studies.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Submitted by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2016-08-30T21:05:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Amaral, Marcelo Santos.pdf: 5121263 bytes, checksum: 352e9409f1f2a35901488dc5bbf1474d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Angela Dortas (dortas@ufba.br) on 2016-08-30T21:13:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Amaral, Marcelo Santos.pdf: 5121263 bytes, checksum: 352e9409f1f2a35901488dc5bbf1474d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-30T21:13:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Amaral, Marcelo Santos.pdf: 5121263 bytes, checksum: 352e9409f1f2a35901488dc5bbf1474d (MD5) / O surgimento de novas tecnologias da informação e da comunicação motivou estudos sobre as possíveis transformações provocadas por estas tecnologias, fazendo surgir diferentes correntes e dividindo os teóricos em moderados, otimistas e pessimistas em relação a estas mudanças. Mais recentemente, o advento das novas mídias sociais da internet também têm motivado diferentes investigações sobre os possíveis impactos que elas possam ter sobre as relações sociais, econômicas e políticas. Instituições, organizações, políticos e cidadãos estão adotando o uso das redes sociais em ritmo acelerado, levantando questões sobre os efeitos que esta adoção pode provocar nas relações entre Estado, governo e sociedade. O Twitter é um serviço de microblogging que surgiu com o propósito de ser um diário público de atividades, mas foi apropriado e utilizado de forma bem mais ampla, tornando-se uma rede social única na internet. Este estudo exploratório investigou a adoção do Twitter pelo Congresso Nacional e sua utilização durante o período eleitoral de 2014, abrangendo quatro momentos de análises: um período prévio ao momento eleitoral, o início e o final da campanha política, e um período posterior às eleições de 2014. Os indicadores analisados incluem dados sócio-políticos dos parlamentares em exercício em qualquer das quatro datas de análise e seus dados de uso do Twitter, coletados diretamente da rede social. O objetivo foi descrever e analisar como parlamentares e partidos políticos representados no Congresso Nacional atuavam no Twitter, antes, durante e após a campanha eleitoral de 2014. Os dados indicam que os parlamentares aderiram ao Twitter antes das eleições de 2010 ou antes das eleições de 2014. Em momentos de eleição, tendem a aumentar suas presenças na rede, postando mais conteúdos e buscando visibilidade para suas campanhas eleitorais, obtendo com isto mais popularidade e, dentre os mais populares, mais votos. Há parlamentares que, por sua grande popularidade no Twitter, se equivalem a celebridades virtuais, sendo excepcionalmente seguidos por colegas e por cidadãos, mas seguindo poucas pessoas em retorno. Na outra ponta, há uma parcela de parlamentares que se mostraram indiferentes ao uso do recurso durante as quatro etapas de análise. Os partidos políticos também reproduzem as relações do ambiente off-line no Twitter, tendo os principais partidos liderado o movimento de adesão. Há partidos, no entanto, que possuem importância relativamente maior no ambiente virtual do que fora dele, sendo muito seguidos por políticos de outros partidos e pelo público externo ao Congresso. Os parlamentares aumentaram ignificativamente o número de seus seguidores entre o início e o final do período analisado, mas o público dos partidos políticos não ficou mais qualificado com este acréscimo de popularidade de seus representantes. Depois das eleições, muitos parlamentares abandonam o uso da ferramenta – especialmente aqueles que não obtiveram sucesso eleitoral; outros, reeleitos, diminuíram suas presenças no ambiente virtual para um ritmo próximo do anterior. As conclusões apontam para a reprodução das relações personalistas e individualistas da política brasileira no ambiente virtual, com as conexões entre cidadãos e políticos valorizando a figura dos políticos, em detrimento das legendas políticas às quais estão filiados. / The rise of new information technologies and communication has motivated research on the potential changes caused by these technologies, giving rise to different streams and splitting the theoretical in moderate, optimistic and pessimistic about these changes. Recently, the advent of new social media of the Internet also have motivated different investigations on the potential impacts they might have on the social, economic and political relations. Institutions, organizations, politicians and citizens are adopting the use of social networks at a fast pace, raising questions about the effects that adoption may result in the relations between state, government and society. Twitter is a microblogging service that has emerged intended to be a public microblogging, but was appropriated and used far more widely becoming a unique social network on the Internet. This exploratory study has investigated the adoption of Twitter by the National Congress and its use during the Brazilian election of 2014, covering four stages of analysis: one period prior to election time, the beginning and the end of the political campaign, and a period after the 2014 elections. The indicators examined here include sociopolitical data of parliamentarians in any of the four dates of analysis and their Twitter usage data collected directly from the social network. The aimed to describe and analyze how parliamentarians and political parties represented in the National Congress acted on Twitter before, during and after the election campaign of 2014. The data indicate that parliamentarians have joined Twitter before the 2010 elections or before the 2014 elections. In moments of elections, they tend to increase their presence on the network, posting more content and seeking visibility for their election campaigns, obtaining with this more popularity and among the most popular, more votes. There are parliamentarians, for their great popularity on Twitter, are equivalent to virtual celebrities, being exceptionally followed by colleagues and citizens, but following few people in return. At the other hand, a part of parliamentarians have shown indifferent to the use of the resource during the four stages of analysis. Political parties also reproduce relations of the offline environment on Twitter, with major parties led the membership movement. There are parties, however, which have relatively more important in the virtual environment than outside it, being very followed by politicians from other parties and the external public to Congress. Parliamentarians have significantly increased the number of its followers between the beginning and the end of the reporting period, but the audience of political parties was not more qualified with this popularity increase their representatives. After the elections, many parliaments have abandoned the use of the tool – especially those who did not achieve electoral success; others, re-elected, decreased their presence in the virtual environment. The findings point to the reproduction of personalist and individualist relations in Brazilian politics in the virtual environment, with the connections between citizens and politicians valuing the figure of politicians at the expense of political parties to which they are affiliated.

Este trabalho se insere em discussões mais amplas acerca das relações entre laços de parentesco e política no Brasil recente. Toma-se como objeto de pesquisa a relação do parentesco com outros recursos sociais mobilizados na política, compreendendo assim diferentes usos, justificações e concepções relativas ao parentesco no âmbito dos espaços políticos nacionais. O universo empírico engloba deputados federais e senadores da 54ª Legislatura da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal dotados de vínculos de parentesco biológico com detentores de cargos eletivos no presente e em períodos anteriores. Foi empregado um conjunto diversificado de fontes como dez entrevistas semi-estruturadas com parlamentares, biografias, matérias em periódicos impressos e digitais, teses e dissertações, discursos proferidos em plenários e comissões do Congresso Nacional. Os resultados apontam para investimentos específicos dos grupos familiares nestes espaços, os quais ressaltam também o caráter composto dos recursos sociais que se associam ao parentesco. Neste sentido, as concepções de “família” e “mérito” na política aparecem de forma fluida, contribuindo para hierarquizar os agentes e patrimônios políticos familiares em questão. / This work is part of broader discussions concerning the relationship between kinship and politics in recent Brazil. Taking as the research object the relationships between kinship and other social resources mobilized in politics, it comprises different uses, justifications and insights referring to kinship influence within the national political spaces. The empirical universe includes federal deputies and senators of the 54th Legislature of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate endowed with biological kinship ties to holders of elected office in this and in previous periods. It is covered by a diverse set of sources: ten semi-structured interviews with parliamentarians, biographies, materials in print and digital journals, theses and dissertations, speeches in plenary sessions and commissions of Congress. The results point to specific investments of family groups in these spaces, which also underscores the composite character of social resources that are associated with kinship. In this sense, the concepts of "family" and "merit" in politics appear fluidly, contributing to rank the agents and family political heritage concerned.

Este trabalho se insere em discussões mais amplas acerca das relações entre laços de parentesco e política no Brasil recente. Toma-se como objeto de pesquisa a relação do parentesco com outros recursos sociais mobilizados na política, compreendendo assim diferentes usos, justificações e concepções relativas ao parentesco no âmbito dos espaços políticos nacionais. O universo empírico engloba deputados federais e senadores da 54ª Legislatura da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal dotados de vínculos de parentesco biológico com detentores de cargos eletivos no presente e em períodos anteriores. Foi empregado um conjunto diversificado de fontes como dez entrevistas semi-estruturadas com parlamentares, biografias, matérias em periódicos impressos e digitais, teses e dissertações, discursos proferidos em plenários e comissões do Congresso Nacional. Os resultados apontam para investimentos específicos dos grupos familiares nestes espaços, os quais ressaltam também o caráter composto dos recursos sociais que se associam ao parentesco. Neste sentido, as concepções de “família” e “mérito” na política aparecem de forma fluida, contribuindo para hierarquizar os agentes e patrimônios políticos familiares em questão. / This work is part of broader discussions concerning the relationship between kinship and politics in recent Brazil. Taking as the research object the relationships between kinship and other social resources mobilized in politics, it comprises different uses, justifications and insights referring to kinship influence within the national political spaces. The empirical universe includes federal deputies and senators of the 54th Legislature of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate endowed with biological kinship ties to holders of elected office in this and in previous periods. It is covered by a diverse set of sources: ten semi-structured interviews with parliamentarians, biographies, materials in print and digital journals, theses and dissertations, speeches in plenary sessions and commissions of Congress. The results point to specific investments of family groups in these spaces, which also underscores the composite character of social resources that are associated with kinship. In this sense, the concepts of "family" and "merit" in politics appear fluidly, contributing to rank the agents and family political heritage concerned.

Este trabalho se insere em discussões mais amplas acerca das relações entre laços de parentesco e política no Brasil recente. Toma-se como objeto de pesquisa a relação do parentesco com outros recursos sociais mobilizados na política, compreendendo assim diferentes usos, justificações e concepções relativas ao parentesco no âmbito dos espaços políticos nacionais. O universo empírico engloba deputados federais e senadores da 54ª Legislatura da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal dotados de vínculos de parentesco biológico com detentores de cargos eletivos no presente e em períodos anteriores. Foi empregado um conjunto diversificado de fontes como dez entrevistas semi-estruturadas com parlamentares, biografias, matérias em periódicos impressos e digitais, teses e dissertações, discursos proferidos em plenários e comissões do Congresso Nacional. Os resultados apontam para investimentos específicos dos grupos familiares nestes espaços, os quais ressaltam também o caráter composto dos recursos sociais que se associam ao parentesco. Neste sentido, as concepções de “família” e “mérito” na política aparecem de forma fluida, contribuindo para hierarquizar os agentes e patrimônios políticos familiares em questão. / This work is part of broader discussions concerning the relationship between kinship and politics in recent Brazil. Taking as the research object the relationships between kinship and other social resources mobilized in politics, it comprises different uses, justifications and insights referring to kinship influence within the national political spaces. The empirical universe includes federal deputies and senators of the 54th Legislature of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate endowed with biological kinship ties to holders of elected office in this and in previous periods. It is covered by a diverse set of sources: ten semi-structured interviews with parliamentarians, biographies, materials in print and digital journals, theses and dissertations, speeches in plenary sessions and commissions of Congress. The results point to specific investments of family groups in these spaces, which also underscores the composite character of social resources that are associated with kinship. In this sense, the concepts of "family" and "merit" in politics appear fluidly, contributing to rank the agents and family political heritage concerned.

Winnie Mandela has endured so many scandals over the last ten years that she has acquired a reputation for being untouchable. It is therefore ironic that there are those who feel that "the ANC want to act against Winnie not because of her human rights record, but for her outspoken criticism of the government's inability to deliver houses, thwart crime and testing our feelings on the death penalty." This assessment is instructive because in the "... turbulent years of the 1980s, she was a hero, a living martyr to the black liberation cause and despite the discomforts inflicted on her by her perpetrators, she revelled in the role" (Sparks, 1994:15). But Winnie Madikazela-Mandela, who was a Deputy Minister before being dismissed and who has had to appear before the TRC because of allegations that she was responsible for the death of teenage activist Stompie Seipei, has nevertheless been able to make a political comeback. The thesis therefore sets out to examine the rationale behind the State President's (he did not hold this title then) decision to take a considerable risk in standing by Winnie Madikazela-Mandela (they were at the time married) during her trial on charges of kidnapping in 1991. Even after her conviction, Mandela wrote that "as far as I was concerned, verdict or no verdict, her innocence was not in doubt." This unstinting loyalty was replicated elsewhere. Commenting on her acquittal on the assault charges, ANC Youth League President, Peter Mokaba, said: "What was taken away from her as a result of these false allegations must now be given back". He described the Appellate Division decision as "a political sentence" saying: "It has nothing to do with whether she was guilty or not."3 The ANC has established a practice of accommodating dissidents within its structures and has survived complex challenges during its years in exile by doing so. But political commentators are now asking whether the political cost will prove to be too great.