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This thesis examines the political communications strategies of the Scottish National Party and the Bloc Quebecois during the 1997 national elections in the UK and Canada and how these two political parties have promoted their nationalist message, as well as their relationship with the journalists who deliver it. It challenges the consensus that the quality of a party's political communication is the main determinant of its electoral success, and looks at the role of other factors, such as historical, political, cultural and social conditions, and how such factors influence the role of journalists in promulgating nationalism. This is done through an examination of nationalism and cultural identity as well as political journalism in Britain, Scotland, Canada and Quebec; an analysis of the histories of the Scottish National Party and the Bloc Quebecois; data from interviews with journalists and party strategists; an analysis of the political communications strategies of the two parties before 1997; and case studies of the SNP and the Bloc during the 1997 elections in Canada and the UK, which include data from media coverage and party political documents. The author concludes that it is these other factors that have had more of an influence on the electoral outcomes of the Scottish National Party and the Bloc Quebecois rather than their political communication, and which have also determined the sometimes adversarial nature of the relationship that political journalists in Scotland and Quebec have had with these nationalist parties.

Popular support for the British National Party (BNP) in England reached unprecedented high levels during the early twentieth century. The BNP won a number of local council and European Parliament seats on the back of this popularity. This study seeks to provide a case study of one such poll success: Nuneaton 2008. Evidence from Nuneaton, a BNP success not previously studied, will be used to test the literature already generated addressing other locations of ‘breakthrough’, including Burnley and Stoke (Burnett 2011; Rhodes 2009). The thesis seeks to explain why the BNP was able to win elections where there had previously been no appetite for far right politics. The research focuses on the role of demand and supply-side factors contributing to the electoral success of the BNP in 2008, showing that any analysis of the far right has to be multivariate in nature. The demand-side variables identified and analysed are: socioeconomics, immigration and Islamophobia. The supply-side factors assessed are political opportunity structures, the BNP campaign strategy and the role of the media. A mixed-method approach was undertaken which included interviews with voters and politicians, focus groups, a questionnaire capturing the views 308 constituents, and archival research of socioeconomic data and newspaper reports. The findings of this research indicate that the BNP’s electoral breakthrough in Nuneaton was multivariable in nature, and it is reasonable to argue that particular variables were more significant than others. Immigration stands out as the most prominent variable. In addition, the role of the media, the press in particular, was of great significance in explaining breakthrough in Nuneaton through the sanitising and legitimising of negative stereotypes of immigrants, asylum seekers and Muslims. This case study also suggests that Islamophobia should be regarded as a key factor. Indeed, Islamophobia was an important part of the jigsaw and conflates with a number of variables tested in this thesis. In sum, this research broadly corroborates the existing literature. It does however suggest that socioeconomics has been overplayed to a degree in previous studies, while Islamophobia has been underplayed.

No description available.

The growth of sub-state nationalism in the 1960's provoked considerable academic speculation. The case of Scotland was a prominent focus of interest. One neglected area however, was the systematic study of S.N.P. strategy on two issues--North Sea oil and devolution--it is argued that small producers face particular problems in establishing themselves in the marketplace. From the standpoint of 'rational choice' theory, the party was unable to maintain a rational orientation to the electorate even under the most favourable circumstances. The constraints on rational behaviour ultimately isolated the party from the mass of the electorate, and it experienced what amounted to a 'reverse process' of maturation from relative rationality to relative irrationality. This growth cycle suggests that there are particularly severe problems afflicting the leaderships of such parties which need further study.

Thesis (MHCS (History)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references.

The thesis deals with the Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru - the Party of Wales and their transformation in the context of the establishment of devolutionary institutions: the Scottish Parliament and the National Assembly of Wales. At first, it presents the main terms with which the work will operate, and the concept of regional parties, focusing on their classification based on the origin and stance on the territorial-political arrangement. Further, the thesis will deal with the development of tendencies leading to the establishment of devolution in both regions. The background conditions and the main purpose leading to the establishment of both parties differed significantly and played an important role throughout their whole existence. The Scottish National Party has demanded Scotland's independence since its establishment, while Plaid Cymru was formed mainly to protect Welsh culture and language. The emergence of devolution in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland has provided regional parties with a new opportunity to strengthen their position in their regional political systems. Both the Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru had to adapt to the new conditions and create a new strategy for the new political environment. The work should answer the question of how...

When the National Party came into power in 1948, Apartheid began to influence all facets of South African life, also that of the theatre. This study documents Apartheid legislation and the resistance against it, then turns to a consideration of the most important protest dramas. The complex political background is utilized to identify and discuss three distinct lines of development, represented by the Afrikaans, English and Black theatre traditions. The Afrikaans-speaking white playwright was initially part of the Afrikaner's encompassing struggle for self-determination and self-assertion, where language, religion and nationalism played a dominant role. After the realization of the Afrikaner Nationalist ideals the Afrikaans writer gradually developed from mythbuilder to iconoclast: from "national hero" to "traitor". The resulting Afrikaans political protest theatre was aimed mainly at fellow Afrikaners and thus usually took on the guise of a drama of conscience, critically examining the Afrikaner psyche. Such plays did not advocate the subversion of the political system, but rather the humanization thereof. It comes from within the system: an examination of the Afrikaner, his ideas about religion, his ties to the land, his racial fear and prejudice, and his obsession with racial purity. The English speaking white playwright was initially represented as the liberal outsider with a humanitarian concern for the injustices wrought by racial discrimination, but at the same time sharing a sense of complicity in the situation and deeply rooted in the country. This complicity evolved into a full acceptance of responsibility by means of their involvement with black theatre groups, the establishment and management of non-racial theatres and companies, guidance to workshops and community projects, as well as the creation and writing of new plays. The criticism expressed predominantly derives from "white" perspectives on the South African reality (which tend to fix on the colour issue). The exceptions here are Athol Fugard' s workshop productions, which incorporate the "black experience" as well. The Black protest theatre (in its recognizable, Western form) developed late. Exposing the misery of the black citizen's daily existence under Apartheid, these works advocated the violent overthrow of the "regime" as the only permanent solution. Measured against Western standards the plays had a number of flaws: lack of structure, undisciplined acting and production, repetitive themes, cliches, as well as a tendency to over-simplify the political problem. The form incorporates aspects of traditional practices such as story-telling, song, dance, multi-role acting and ceremonial actions, but the content is determined by the urban, industrialized experience. Although there are more similarities between the development of the Black and Afrikaans political protest theatre, co-operation tended to develop largely between the Black and English theatre. In the decade after Soweto 1976 political protest dominated the South African theatre. While this movement did not actually succeed in subverting the "regime" or even in generating full-scale insurgence against the state, it did have an effect. Among the economically advantaged and elite white theatregoers, the "black" theatre fostered an awareness of daily life in the black community, and the "white" theatre a questioning of the morality of the social, religious and political order. The same plays provided the broad mass of black audiences with a heightened awareness of their own identity and self-esteem within the communal escape valve of public protest. By granting this form of theatre a prominent place in the ongoing public debate, the daily newspapers markedly increased the theatre's influence and impact. / Afrikaans: Met die bewindsoorname van die Nasionale Party in 1948 begin Apartheid 'n invloed op alle vlakke van die Suid-Afrikaanse bestaan uitoefen, ook op die teater. In hierdie studie word die Apartheidswetgewing en die verset daarteen uiteengesit, waarna die belangrikste protesdramas van die Afrikaanse, Engelse en Swart teater afsonderlik as drie ontwikkelingstrome teen hierdie komplekse politieke agtergrond beskryf word. Die Afrikaanssprekende blanke dramaturg skryf aanvanklik vanuit die totale Afrikanerstryd tot selfvestiging en -bevestiging, waarin taal, godsdiens en nasionalisme sentraal staan. Na die verwesenliking van die AfrikanerNasionalistiese ideale begin die Afrikaanse skrywer geleidelik ontwikkel van mitefiseerder tot ikonoklaster: van "volksheld" tot "volksverraaier". Die Afrikaanse politieke protesdrama is veral teen die mede-Afrikaner gemik, en word daarom meestal gewetensdrama wat die Afrikanerpsige krities ondersoek. Dit bepleit nie die omverwerping van die bestel nie, eerder die mensliker-maak daarvan. Dit kom van binne die sisteem: 'n ondersoek na die Afrikaner, sy godsdiensbegrip, gebondenheid aan die grond, rasse-vrees en -vooroordeel en sy obsessie met rasse-suiwerheid. Die Engelssprekende blanke dramaturg het aanvanklik die indruk gewek van die liberate buitestaander wat humaniter-besorg die onreg van rasse-diskriminasie aandui, maar terselfdertyd ook 'n mede-aandadigheid aan die situasie en 'n geworteldheid in die land ervaar. Hierdie aandadigheid ontwikkel tot 'n volle aanspreeklikheid in die samewerking met swart teatergroepe, die oprig en bestuur van nie-rassige teaters en geselskappe, optrede _ as leiers van werkwinkels en gemeenskapsprojekte en die skep en skryf van dramas. Die kritiek kom oorwegend vanuit die "blanke" realiteitbeskouing (wat wesenlik kleurbehep is) met die uitsondering van Athol Fugard se werkwinkelprojekte waarin die "swart ervaring" uitgebeeld word. Die Swart protesteater (in sy herkenbare, Westerse vorm) het 'n laat ontwikkeling gehad. Dit openbaar die ellende van die alledaagse bestaan van die swartman onder Apartheid en bepleit die gewelddadige omverwerping van die "regime" as enigste blywende oplossing. Gemeet aan Westerse standaarde het dit heelwat gebreke gehad: struktuurloosheid, ongedissiplineerde spel en aanbieding, herhalende temas, cliches, asook oorvereenvoudiging van die problematiek. Die vorm daarvan sluit nou aan by tradisionele gebruike soos vertelling, sang, dans, multi-rolspel en seremoniele handeling. Die inhoud word egter bepaal deur die stedelike, geindustrialiseerde ervaring. Alhoewel daar meer raakpunte tussen die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse en Swart politieke protesteater is, het samewerking veral tussen Swart en Engels plaasgevind, en nie tussen Afrikaans en Swart nie. In die dekade na Soweto 1976 was daar 'n ontploffing van politieke protesteater. Dit het nie die omverwerping van die "regime~_ of 'n grootskaalse opstand teen die staatsgesag veroorsaak nie. Wat wel bereik is, is dat daar deur die "swart" teater by 'n groep blanke toeskouers, uit die hoer klasse van die samelewing, 'n bewussyn gekweek is van die daaglikse lewensomstandighede van die anderskleurige Suid-Afrikaner; deur die "wit" teater 'n bevraagtekening van die moraliteit van die sosiale, godsdienstige en politieke orde; en by die swart gehore 'n verhoogde bewussyn van die eie identiteit en waarde binne die saambindende uitlaatklep van openbare protes. Terselfdertyd het die dagblaaie deur hulle omvangryke verslaggewing hierdie vorm van teater in die openbare debat geplaas en daardeur die trefkrag en invloed verhoog. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 1994. / Drama / DPhil / Unrestricted

Alex Salmond, a talented politician in charge of Scotland's devolved government since 2007, is mounting the biggest challenge to the British union state in its 300-year history. His fast-growing Scottish National Party wants Scotland to cease being the invisible country of Europe and to embrace independence. This book argues that if the Union is demolished, change will remain elusive and Scotland will continue to be run by the close-knit administrative, commercial and religious elites who have dominated the country for centuries. Tom Gallagher contends that the SNP remains fixated by resentment towards England and has no strategy for reviving a struggling economy and the deep-seated social problems which disfigure urban Scotland. He argues that the SNP are not committed to independence, that the SNP is a super-unionist party, that it recoils from popular sovereignty and is an enthusiastic backer of the EU s plans for a post-national Europe based on federalist rule from Brussels, and that it endorses a radical multi-culturalism that devalues individual citizenship and places Scotland at the mercy of globalization. Gallagher's hard-hitting analysis will stir emotions and generate debate, especially his claim that if the SNP triumphs it will reinforce the authoritarian trends which have disfigured Scottish history and contributed to heavy emigration. He passionately believes that moral and practical energies need to be released if Scotland is to renew itself, but fears that as long as the country is seen in romantic and propagandistic terms, this overdue transformation will be stillborn.

The concept of ideology's theory-building potential has been under-exploited in studies of contemporary nationalism. This study offers a novel approach to 'neo-nationalism' by defining it as an ideology, embedding it in a theory of discourse, and extending this framework to a methodology based on text analysis. Qualitative deconstruction of texts using the tools of literary theory is one of the research methods used, complemented by evidence from elite interviews and a survey of primary sources. In order to illustrate how neo-nationalism is discursively constructed, the core of the ideology is distinguished from its periphery. Furthermore, parties are characterised as ideologues in contemporary society and placed within the postmodern framework of discourse theory. Case studies of the Scottish National Party and the Christlich-Soziale Union in Bavaria examine their interpretations of nationalist ideology through analysis of the rhetoric used in recent election campaigns. The parties are of particular interest because they attempt to reconcile core nationalist goals with contemporary political issues, such as that of integration within the European Union. The SNP is an example of a neo-nationalist party in that it pursues its core, immutable goal of prioritising the nation by promoting Scottish autonomy within a larger European framework. The CSU, on the other hand, is neo-nationalist in that its policies and rhetorical appeals revolve around a national nodal point articulated in terms of the Heimat. It has sought to defend Bavarian autonomy by profiling itself as the archetypal Bavarian party with an important role to play in both the German and European political arenas. The case studies demonstrate that a nationalist party's support for European integration may reinforce rather than undermine its core commitment to self-determination. Moreover, the ideological constructs developed by neo-nationalist parties can usefully be characterised in terms of discourse theory. Both the CSU and the SNP seek to 'de-contest' their interpretations of the nation and achieve conceptual hegemony by establishing their ideology as 'common sense'. Post-modem theory thus not only provides the epistemological grounding of the study, but also paves the way for a methodological approach designed to analyse neo-nationalism in its specificity.