Secessionist movements have been found historically on both sides of the political spectrum, and sometimes have tried to remain apolitical completely, but because of the rise of partisan politics, secessionism has inevitably become politicized. Variations in Western European secessionism can be noticed, and as such, explanations put forward may be deemed insufficient, or incomplete. In my thesis I tested the hypothesis that secessionism varied on the political spectrum because it has been consolidated against ideological Others (in Scotland against Thatcher’s Conservatives between 1974 and 1990). I tested this methodologically through process tracing and theoretically by looking at the consolidation of the Scottish National Party through reactive nationalism. Specifically I analyzed the nationalist discourse used to justify ideological positioning in the 1970s and 1980s in propaganda materials and archival documents, and if and how this ideological choice was reflected or interpreted in newspapers (for opinions on how this consolidation was perceived by the electorate).

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The aim of this study is to describe the characteristics of right-wing populist parties in Europe. The three parties included in the study are the Swedish Democrats (SD), the British National Party (BNP) and the National Front (NF) in France. The study includes a definition of right-wing populism based on previous research and from that an ideal type of a right-wing populist party has been created. The material used in the study to verify how well the parties were consistent to the ideal type and what similarities and differences the parties in the study have are the parties’ political programs and policies. The conclusion of the results is that the parties fit the ideal type even if they differ in a few certain aspects. The BNP is the party most similar to the ideal type, followed by the NF and then the SD.

voluant au sein d’un contexte global de crise de la représentativité démocratique, les partis politiques sont plus que jamais remis en question quant à leur légitimité. Ils font face à de nombreux défis, notamment vis-à-vis l’émergence sans cesse grandissante de nouveaux mouvements sociaux et divers partis extrémistes, qui témoignent de ce phénomène. Certains parmi eux arrivent à brouiller les cartes théoriques, soit les partis dits «antisystèmes». Néanmoins, afin d’aspirer à gouverner et de ne pas s’aliéner de potentiels électeurs, des partis autrefois marginaux peuvent décider de participer aux institutions en modifiant leurs agendas et stratégies. Par conséquent, pourquoi et comment des partis à la fois nationalistes et antisystèmes optent pour la voie de l’intégration institutionnelle, alors qu’ils ont initialement pour objectif d’exercer une forme radicale d’opposition envers les autres acteurs et le système politique dans son ensemble? Ce mémoire explore dans une perspective comparative les raisons derrière ce processus d’intégration en étudiant les cas du Parti québécois au Québec, du Scottish National Party en Écosse et du Sinn Féin en Irlande du Nord. Les données utilisées sont théoriques et empiriques, relevant de l’analyse de leur historique grâce à la création de lignes du temps exhaustives ainsi que de leurs plateformes électorales par le biais d’un indice original, l’Indice antisystème pour les plateformes. Ceci permet d’évaluer également leur caractère antisystème, tout en considérant leur contexte sociopolitique respectif. / Evolving within a global context of democratic representation crisis, the legitimacy of political parties is more than ever questioned. They face many challenges, especially in regard to the ever-increasing emergence of new social movements and various extremist parties. Some of them manage to blur the theoretical maps, the "antisystem" parties. Nevertheless, in order to aspire to govern and not alienate potential voters, formerly marginal parties may decide to participate to the institutions by changing their agendas and strategies. Therefore, why and how antisystem nationalist parties opt for the institutional integration path, while initially exercising a radical form of opposition to other actors and the political system as a whole? This thesis explores in a comparative perspective the reasons behind this process of integration by studying the cases of Parti Québecois in Québec, Scottish National Party in Scotland and Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland. The data used is theoretical and empirical, based on the analysis of their history through the creation of exhaustive timelines and their electoral platforms via an original index, the Antisystem Index for Party Platforms. This also makes it possible to evaluate their antisystemness, while considering their respective socio-political context.

This dissertation explores a portion of the life, travels, and political activities of nineteenth century British traveler and Arabist, Lady Anne Blunt. Lady Anne held independent and, by the standards of the time, radical ideas about the need to respect Arab culture and to deal with the Arabs as equals. With an encompassing knowledge of the region, she challenged prevailing assumptions and exerted influence in high British political circles. Lady Anne's aristocratic heritage as the granddaughter of celebrated poet Lord Byron, helped her gain access to the political circles that were gaining power in the Arab world Lady Anne's journeys, through much of the Mediterranean region, North Africa, Syria, Arabia, Egypt, and Persia, became the basis for her broad knowledge of the Arab world. She pursued an intimate knowledge of Bedouin life in Arabia, the town Arab culture of Syria and Mesopotamia, and the politics of nationalism in Egypt. Lady Anne developed an important worldview, egalitarian in its outlook, with a consistent, even cosmopolitan, set of social and moral parameters that knew no skin color or race. Lady Anne's well-known husband, Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, developed a reputation as an anti-imperialist, political activist, and political writer. Anne was her husband's partner in marriage, politics, and travel, and her numerous journals provide a record of their journeys and political activities offering an original new look at her virtually unknown work, while bringing new perspective to his. This dissertation focuses primarily on Lady Anne's most politically active decade, 1880-1890, along with biographical details that influenced her political persona. Lady Anne Blunt and her husband made a substantial contribution to the Egyptian National Party, the defense of Egyptian revolutionaries after their defeat, and the restoration of nationalistic pride in Egypt during the British occupation. Lady Anne's influence reached beyond Egypt as well, as she partnered with indigenous inhabitants for justice and liberty in the so-called jewels in the imperial crown.

This thesis examines through the means of a comparative perspective, factors which have allowed the British National Party to enjoy recent electoral success at the local level under the leadership of party chairman Nick Griffin. Such electoral successes have arisen despite the seemingly relative obscurity of the party at the turn of the century. A number of different aspects are examined in order to achieve this aim. The history of the far right in the UK is examined to establish whether the BNP have changed their stance in comparison to previous far right movements. The BNP are also investigated comparatively with other West European parties who have enjoyed national success, as a means of discovering whether the party are similar to their far right neighbours and why they have not enjoyed similar national success. The press coverage of the BNP is examined at a local and national level, using content analysis and the LexisNexis database. The thesis looks at the role played by the BNP in local elections and the decline of participation in political activity, to establish if there is a link between these two factors. Finally a case study is taken of Calderdale in West Yorkshire, to establish directly if any of the above factors can be directly applied to BNP electoral success in this district. The research discovers that there are opportunities for the BNP to establish a connection with the electorate in local politics which are not necessarily available at times of general election.

Le 11 septembre 1997, les Écossais se prononçaient par référendum en faveur de la dévolution parlementaire, c'est-à-dire en faveur de l'établissement du premier Parlement écossais depuis 1707, année de la fusion des Parlements écossais et anglais suite à l'Acte d'Union. Dix ans plus tard, le 3 mai 2007, le Scottish National Party (SNP), parti nationaliste et officiellement sécessionniste, était élu pour la première fois en Écosse, traditionnellement dominée, depuis la fin des années 1950, par le Parti travailliste. Malgré son statut minoritaire, l'élection d'un gouvernement du SNP en Écosse allait constituer une transition fondamentale au niveau de la scène politique britannique, le SNP étant le premier parti régionaliste, c'est-à-dire non « panbritannique », à y être élu. Le 5 mai 2011, les Écossais accordaient au SNP un second mandat, les nationalistes formant cette fois, forts de leurs 45% d'appuis populaires et de leurs soixante-neuf sièges sur cent-vingt-neuf, un gouvernement majoritaire. La tenue d'un référendum portant sur l'indépendance de l'Écosse, projet phare du SNP, est prévue en 2014. Comment l'Écosse, nation inégalement développée et économiquement dépendante du Royaume-Uni jusqu'après la Seconde Guerre mondiale au moins, en est-elle arrivée là? Comment et surtout, pourquoi le mouvement nationaliste écossais s'est-il rapidement révélé plus influent à partir de la fin des années 1960, jusqu'à devenir la première force politique et électorale d'Écosse? Nous faisons dans ce mémoire l'hypothèse que la transition au néolibéralisme au Royaume-Uni, opérée notamment sous les gouvernements Thatcher (1979-1990) et Major (1990-1997), aura eu pour effet de favoriser la montée d'un tel mouvement nationaliste en érodant de façon importante l'influence de l'État britannique en matière économique et en accentuant à l'inverse l'importance, en regard de la « compétitivité » et de la productivité, des politiques et des institutions régionales de développement économique. Nous le démontrons en dévoilant comment les théories et discours néolibéraux, régionalistes et compétitivistes peuvent se révéler coextensifs et comment cette coextensivité est au fondement de la nature prioritairement économique du nationalisme écossais depuis 1980, notamment tel que médiatisé par le SNP. Notre prétention est d'ouvrir, à partir du cas écossais, un champ de réflexion et d'analyse sur le nationalisme économique en contexte minoritaire et plus précisément sur les impacts de la transition au néolibéralisme, à partir des années 1970, sur ce type de nationalisme. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Écosse, nationalisme économique, néolibéralisme, SNP, régionalisme, Parlement.

Magister Artium - MA / In this paper I attempt to look critically at the literary construction of one particular 'race', namely the 'Coloureds'. In Sarah Gertrude Millin's God's Stepchildren. To this end, the paper draws on the hlstorlcal background of Millin, and investigates the way in which Millin has consciously and strateglcally forrned, as it were, a 'unique' Coloured Identity. Furthermore, the paper explores the proximity or tension between author and narrator in the novel. This tension, i suggest, emerges In response to various pressures In the novel which in tum are based upon the author's social, . political and economic background. Evidence to this effect is derived from Millin's biography and other sources. What emerges from the paper Is that the concepts 'race' and 'Coloured', as they are employed In this novel, are equally elusive. In attempting to piece together a 'race', the novel communicates Millin's aversion to miscegenation, and discloses characteristics of her 'self. Ironically, I conclude, she falls prey to the same kinds of prejudices that she projects onto her literary subjects

In the past decade, there has been a surge of interest in extreme right Western European parties. Well-established parties such as the National Front (FN) in France, Vlaams Belang (formerly Vlaams Blok) in Belgium, and Lega Nord in Italy have been scrutinized. However, extreme right parties that have just recently begun to experience electoral successes such as the British National Party (BNP) have received less evaluation and discussion in the literature. Therefore, this study examines the BNP‟s electoral fortunes in the European elections of 1999, 2004, and 2009. I explore the support for the BNP using the traditional variables of unemployment, education, income, and immigration. In addition to these variables, I examine how support for other parties present in Great Britain, such as the right-wing United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the center-right Conservative Party affects electoral support for the BNP. I find that support for other right-wing parties in Great Britain do exert an influence on BNP electoral fortunes (the UKIP a positive one, and the Conservative Party a negative one). I also find a strong negative link between BNP support and education and a weak positive one between BNP support and unemployment. However, income and immigration rates appear to have no effect on voter support for the BNP.

This thesis examines through the means of a comparative perspective, factors which have allowed the British National Party to enjoy recent electoral success at the local level under the leadership of party chairman Nick Griffin. Such electoral successes have arisen despite the seemingly relative obscurity of the party at the turn of the century. A number of different aspects are examined in order to achieve this aim. The history of the far right in the UK is examined to establish whether the BNP have changed their stance in comparison to previous far right movements. The BNP are also investigated comparatively with other West European parties who have enjoyed national success, as a means of discovering whether the party are similar to their far right neighbours and why they have not enjoyed similar national success. The press coverage of the BNP is examined at a local and national level, using content analysis and the LexisNexis database. The thesis looks at the role played by the BNP in local elections and the decline of participation in political activity, to establish if there is a link between these two factors. Finally a case study is taken of Calderdale in West Yorkshire, to establish directly if any of the above factors can be directly applied to BNP electoral success in this district. The research discovers that there are opportunities for the BNP to establish a connection with the electorate in local politics which are not necessarily available at times of general election.