Abstract In the theory of Economics, investment can bring about Multiplier Effect to the whole GNP, no matter in employment, national income, and even economic growth rate, with an uprising influence. Therefore, every country in the world that hopes to develop economy will do all the best it can to attract investment in order to promote economic prosperity. So, establishing an Export Processing Zone (EPZ) is one of the most used ways when the developing countries want to develop economy. Taiwan has set up its EPZs for more than 41 years. The EPZs have played an important role in the national economic development, have laid down an exemplary foundation for Taiwan¡¦s export processing industries, and have written down a footnote of an ideal model in Taiwan¡¦s economic miracle. But due to the changes in economic situations both domestically and internationally, the magnet effect of mainland China¡¦s so-called ¡¨World Factory¡¨ and the establishment of Special Economic Zones in many countries around the world, the investment environments of export processing zones in Taiwan have all suffered a hardship gradually and the competition of attracting investment has become more fiercely from day to day. Luckily enough, the in-zone enterprises have continuously transferred the industrial structure to cope with the industry¡¦s economic changes from the traditional industry¡¦s labor-intensive pattern to the industry cluster in capital, technology and knowledge-intensive patterns. Also, the governments have changed in systems and adjusted the functions constantly so that the enterprises can keep growing and sustain their operations. The paper collected the related plans, documents and secondary data of EPZs¡¦development, regional industrial development, Ping-tung county¡¦s industrial development and the current situations of PEPZ, and then makes the conclusions and analyses, In addition, the paper analyzes the strengths and weaknesses, possible opportunities and threats of inside and outside of the PEPZ by SWOT analysis, and investigated the non-engaged investors by face-to-face interviews about the reasons that they don¡¦t invest in PEPZ for the reference of making the recruiting strategies, and then made questionnaires to the representatives of industries, government officials and scholars in universities by Delphi Method, so as to obtain the primary data and collect and analyze them. The paper quoted some of the researches in regional advantages of industrial models from Professor Wu Chi-hua and Dr. Tsai Jin-kun to analyze the industrial advantages of Ping-tung county, Kaohsiung city and Kaohsiung county, and all of the Export Processing Zones. By making references from Input-Output Tables of the Executive Yuan and the nation¡¦s important industries in the coming ten years, the paper sifted out the industries that PEPZ intends to recruit in the future. And then, through the Delphi Method of expert¡¦s results inspections, the paper made a conclusion that the important industries that PEPZ can recruit includes metal products, energy industry, electronics and its components, automobile and auto-parts, machinery & equipments. In the end, the paper studied the recruiting strategies and practical ways of attracting investment through the theory of SWOT to analyze the recruiting competitiveness of PEPZ. The paper obtained the matrix of SWOT strategic analysis, and drew up SO¡]strength-opportunity¡^strategies, WO(weakness-opportunity) strategies, ST(strength-threat) strategies and WT(weakness-threat) strategies after the expert¡¦s inspections. There are 13 strategies and practical ways .

Submitted by LUIS PAULO DE ALMEIDA null (pauloalmeidars@gmail.com) on 2016-10-17T19:40:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LUIS PAULO_final final.pdf: 3936327 bytes, checksum: b41fc43cdeafd9e8f2311e5259d9b6a2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-10-21T16:36:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 almeida_lp_me_ippri.pdf: 3936327 bytes, checksum: b41fc43cdeafd9e8f2311e5259d9b6a2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-21T16:36:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 almeida_lp_me_ippri.pdf: 3936327 bytes, checksum: b41fc43cdeafd9e8f2311e5259d9b6a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-24 / Este trabalho aborda as ajudas alimentares enviadas ao Haiti. A gravitação entre os momentos de crise humanitária e a consolidação de uma política permanente de envios de alimentos, mesmo quando o país não está em crise alimentaria. Discute as relações históricas da Comunidade Internacional com o Haiti, o tensionamento gerado pelas seguidas intervenções, sejam políticas, econômicas, militares ou humanitárias. Há mais de 200 anos, as políticas da Comunidade Internacional têm fracassado. São incontáveis as ONGs e os projetos comunitários desenvolvidos nas comunidades, a imensa maioria sem resultados convincentes. Há duas questões a refletir: a primeira aponta que o Ocidente nunca aprendeu a trabalhar com os haitianos; já a segunda questão se refere ao Haiti que aparece como comércio, mas gerando renda para as instituições que desenvolvem seus projetos, sobretudo, com o mercado de alimentos das empresas transnacionais do setor. Os camponeses sofrem com o isolamento do Estado, buscam na cultura e na religiosidade a força e resistência para seguir existindo. Os desafios dos movimentos populares contemporâneos estão na unidade nacional, na mobilização da massa camponesa, no plantear da reorganização da estrutura agrária para salvar o meio ambiente e o campesinato, no criar um projeto nacional que proteja a produção local, que aponte para a soberania alimentar, que combata as políticas de importação dos alimentos que podem ser produzidos no país, assim como as ajudas alimentares que, na melhor das hipóteses, cumprem o papel de caridade, jamais de soberania nacional. / This work is about the food help send to Haiti. The gravitation between moments of humanitarian crisis and the consolidation of a permanent politic of sending food even when the country is not on crisis. Talk about the historical relations between the International Community and Haiti, the tensions generated for the interventions, those political, economical, military or humanitarian. For the last 200 years that politic of International Community has fail. There are uncountable numbers of NGOs and community projects, most of them without positive results. There are two ways to think about this question, the first points that the Occident never learn to work with Haitians; the second points Haiti as a big market, creating profit for the institutions that runs the projects, most of them as a market for the transnational corporations of the sector. The peasants suffers with lack State presence, and search on culture and religiosity the strength to keep existing. The challenges of popular movements are: the national unity, the peasant mass mobilizations, how to reorganize the agrarian structure to save the environment and the peasants, to construct a national project that protects the local production towards food sovereignty, and go against the politics of importation of food that can be produced in the country, and the food help politics, that only serve as charity not to build national sovereignty.

Orientador: Silvia Beatriz Adoue / Resumo: Este trabalho aborda as ajudas alimentares enviadas ao Haiti. A gravitação entre os momentos de crise humanitária e a consolidação de uma política permanente de envios de alimentos, mesmo quando o país não está em crise alimentaria. Discute as relações históricas da Comunidade Internacional com o Haiti, o tensionamento gerado pelas seguidas intervenções, sejam políticas, econômicas, militares ou humanitárias. Há mais de 200 anos, as políticas da Comunidade Internacional têm fracassado. São incontáveis as ONGs e os projetos comunitários desenvolvidos nas comunidades, a imensa maioria sem resultados convincentes. Há duas questões a refletir: a primeira aponta que o Ocidente nunca aprendeu a trabalhar com os haitianos; já a segunda questão se refere ao Haiti que aparece como comércio, mas gerando renda para as instituições que desenvolvem seus projetos, sobretudo, com o mercado de alimentos das empresas transnacionais do setor. Os camponeses sofrem com o isolamento do Estado, buscam na cultura e na religiosidade a força e resistência para seguir existindo. Os desafios dos movimentos populares contemporâneos estão na unidade nacional, na mobilização da massa camponesa, no plantear da reorganização da estrutura agrária para salvar o meio ambiente e o campesinato, no criar um projeto nacional que proteja a produção local, que aponte para a soberania alimentar, que combata as políticas de importação dos alimentos que podem ser produzidos no país, assim como as ajudas alimentares que... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Mestre

Le thème de la privatisation des entreprises publiques constitue, pour un pays comme l’Algérie, un sujet nouveau compte tenu des moyens Et des richesses que à la recherche d’un développement rapide tout en essayant d’intégrer les règles del’économie de marché en vue d’un passage à une économie ouverte sans pour autant que les décideurs affichent leurs véritables intentions politiques. Dans son discours, devant les élus en 2007, le président BOUTEFLIKA a reconnupubliquement que l’Etat s’est trompé dans ses grands choix économiques, faisant allusion à la loi sur les hydrocarbures. Un recul qui remet en cause la politique de privatisation dans sa globalité. Si l’économie de marché nécessite en premier lieu le respect des règles d’une concurrence loyale avec un minimum d’ouverture sur le secteur privé, le cas de l’Algérie dans son processus de privatisation nous renvoie sur un certains nombres d’éléments d’analyses de la situation économique de ce pays qui tente de sortir d’une économie dirigée imposée par un pouvoir qui cherche une légitimité pourgouverner. [...] / The theme of the privatization of public enterprises is for a country such as Algeria, a new item regarding means and wealth that this country which is in economy transition holds, a country which is still in search of a quick development while trying to integrate the rules of market economy for a transition to an open economy but, without policy makers show their real Political intentions. In 2007, in his speech, before the elected mayors, President Bouteflika publicly admitted that the state was mistaken in its important Economic choices, referring to the hydrocarbon law. A decline which calls into question the privatization Policy in its entirety. If the market economy first requires compliance with the rules of fair competition with a minimum of openness to the private sector, the case of Algeria in its privatization process refer to a certain number of analysis elements of the economic situation of this country trying to emerge from an economy led by an imposed military and political regime that seeks legitimacy to govern. [...]