As Haegeman and Zanuttini (1996:117) discuss, when two negative elements are present in a specific syntactic domain, two possible situations may arise: "(i) the two negative elements may cancel each other out, or (ii) the two elements may contribute, together, one single instance of negation". The former 'negation cancellation' is referred to as Double Negation and can be exemplified in the standard English sentence 'I didn't say nothing', meaning 'I said something'. In many languages, traditionally known as Negative Concord languages, we can find the second scenario, where two or more negative elements can co-occur in the same sentence without applying the 'negation cancellation' rule. The most common example of the Negative Concord phenomenon consists of a sentential negation (NEG) co-occurring with a negative word. This is shown in Spanish examples such as "Juan no llamó a nadie" (literally: 'Juan didn't call nobody') meaning 'John didn't call anybody'. Another less common type of exception occurs when two sentential negations (NEG+NEG) are phonologically realized in the same sentence. This phenomenon is traditionally known as Discontinuous Negation. The following example is from Bukusu (Bell, 2004): Peter SEalaba akula sitabu TA 'Peter will NOT be buying a book (NOT)'. The language I examined in this dissertation, Vernacular Brazilian Portuguese, can combine both types of Negative Concord cases in the same sentence, as we see in the example "Não ligou ninguém não (literally: 'Nobody didn't call not') meaning 'Nobody called'". Another unique characteristic of this variety that distinguishes it from the rest of the Romance languages is the optional deletion of the preverbal NEG. Though the post- verbal negative words require a preverbal negation, working as their licensor, the use of the post-sentential NEG makes the example "Ligou ningum não 'Nobody called'" grammatically correct. The main purpose of my dissertation is to present a different approach to what has been traditionally seen as the Negative Concord and Discontinuous Negation. These two complex negation phenomena stem from the same syntactic source, as they are two versions of the same syntactic derivation. Based on data from Vernacular Brazilian Portuguese, I demonstrate that there is no "concord" or "discontinuity" relationship between the negative elements in "Não ligou ninguém não", since there is only one negative item in the sentence: the pre-verbal NEG não. / text

Universiẗat, Diss., 2007--Mainz.

The typological distinction between negative concord and double negation languages has received increasing attention over the past century beginning with Jespersen (1922). Multiple negation in Biblical Hebrew has been subject to mixed treatment in this regard. Some scholars have treated all multiple negation in Biblical Hebrew as emphatic (Gesenius, Kautzsch & Cowley 1910; Dahood 1975; Holmstedt 2016) while others have labeled these constructions as pleonastic (Jouon & Muraoka 2006). Snyman (2004) determines that Biblical Hebrew is neither a negative concord language nor a double negation language based upon his assessment that "BH does not exhibit multiple negation elements." In this thesis I explore a novel approach to evaluating the typological treatment of multiple negation in Biblical Hebrew. The criteria I use are derived from crosslinguistic observations made by Zeijlstra (2004a) and van der Auwera & van Alsenoy (2016), identifying the linguistic traits exclusive to negative concord languages (e.g. preverbal negative markers, paratactic negation, and banning true negative imperatives). I demonstrate the presence of these phenomena in Biblical Hebrew, determining it to be an NC language. I also discuss the implications these findings have on the current typology.

This dissertation investigates the verbal system of Persian and is focused on the interaction of modality, tense, aspect and negation in this language. The dissertation challenges the idea that the syntactic structure maps on to the semantic interpretation or vice-versa.It is argued that modals are raising constructions in some languages (Wurmbrand 1999). Modals in Persian, which do not have subject-raising constructions, show different behavior. First, the root complex modals are generally syntactic control in Wurmbrand's (1998, 2001) proposal. There are just a few gaps with respect to dynamic root modals. Second, all epistemic modals which are either defective auxiliary modals or complex modals take default agreements and are pseudo-raising constructions. Third, the syntactic structures of modals show that there is no one-to-one correspondence between the structural positions and semantic interpretations of modals in Persian except in the auxiliary modal bâyad 'must'.The second contribution of this dissertation is that the class of restructuring verbs varies across languages. German semantic control verbs are instances of restructuring constructions (Wurmbrand 2001) while the only case of restructuring in Persian is the functional restructuring which appears in auxiliary modals such as bâyad 'must' and šâyad 'may' since they are mono-clausal and do not have a CP.This dissertation also investigates the structure of complex verbal forms in Persian. It is argued that Persian future tense is an instance of Serial Verb Constructions. However, progressives which are bi-clausal constructions are Aspectual Complex predicates.In the case of the structural analysis of the interaction of Persian modals and negation, this dissertation shows that the syntactic structure maps on the semantic interpretation or vice-versa. There are just a few gaps with respect to the scope possibilities of particular modals.The final contribution of this dissertation is related to the problem of the word order of NV elements and LV within complex predicates. This research provides three suggestions regarding the clausal complement position in complex predicates, and suggests that the vP remnant movement is the most reasonable one, since it is compatible with the recent trends of syntactic theories and suggested for some other languages (Mahajan 2003).

Den manuella gesten benämnd PU@g har formen ”sprethänderna, framåtriktade och uppåtvända som förs kort framåt och sidledes” och kan utföras på lite olika sätt. Ibland kan den även utföras utan rörelse och den kan ha många funktioner. I denna uppsats rapporteras en undersökning av Svensk teckenspråkskorpus (Mesch, Wallin, Nilsson & Bergman 2012). Det analyserade materialet visar en hög frekvens av den manuella gesten PU@g. Materialet (färdigställt i slutet av augusti 2012) består av 16 teckenspråkstexter fördelade över lika många Eaf-filer, totalt 81.44 minuter data med 16 olika par av tecknare. I materialet finns det 425 förekomster av gesten PU@g. Gesten har kategoriserats efter funktion för varje förekomst. Det går att dela upp funktionerna i tre huvudkategorier: a) Talaren som signalerar till lyssnaren. b) Lyssnaren som signalerar till talaren c) Annan funktion och till det som vederbörande tidigare har sagt och som inte har med lyssnaren eller något annat yttrande att göra. Studien har hittat några viktiga icke-manuella signaler som används med gesten och det är [0-], samt huvudskakning.

Thesis--Zürich.

Thesis--Zürich.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1996. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [288]-302).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1969. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliography: leaves 157-159.

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