The purpose of this research was to analyze the vocational education plans of Nepal through an historical study by identifying their successes and failures. The specific objectives of the study were (a) to provide an historical background of general education and vocational education, (b) to analyze the strengths and inadequacies of the vocational education systems implemented in Nepal since 1950, (c) to review vocational education components implemented in other developing countries, and (d) to provide implications for Nepal's vocational programs. Relevant historical documents were the basis of this research. The publications of the Ministry of Education of Nepal, Tribhuvan University of Nepal and its numerous colleges, international organizations, and authors knowledgeable in the Nepalese education field served as primary and secondary sources. The development of formal vocational education in Nepal was traced, beginning with its origin in the traditional occupational and social structure. Descriptions, salient features, and objectives of three different education plans implemented since 1950, namely, (a) the basic education system, (b) the multipurpose education system, and (c) the national education system, were compiled. Each 'of these systems increasingly emphasized vocational education and produced many significant results, yet each of these systems was abandoned because of its limited successes. The strengths and weaknesses of these systems were identified and analyzed. Aspects of female education were separately studied because of their special relevance to vocational education in developing countries. The reasons behind the adoption and the failure of these systems were also discussed. External influence in the formulation of the programs, dependence on foreign financial assistance, ambitious expansions, lack of qualified teachers and educational materials, and the lack of coordination among different agencies were identified as the main problems. / Ed. D.

Graduation date: 2003 / Best scan available on figures. Original figures are dark.

This thesis argues that conversion to Christianity in the Nepali city of Bhaktapur is closely connected with ethical attitudes towards suffering in Bhaktapurian churches. This argument is situated within broader debates in the anthropology of Christianity. Anthropologists have debated the extent to which Christianity is a force for cultural discontinuity, and have often connected it with modernity and individualism. I contribute to these discussions by showing how distinctively Christian conceptions of suffering may promote cultural change by stimulating new understandings of selfhood and ethics. The first three chapters explore the social life of Bhaktapur's Hindu majority. I describe how the last fifty years have seen a process of cultural unsettlement in Bhaktapur; one aspect of this unsettlement has been a disruption of traditional norms of care and deference. It is in this context that the distinctive ethics of Christianity have proved attractive to some. Those who convert have typically experienced a significant episode of suffering, and have felt themselves to be failed by those around them. They find in churches a framework that emphasises the moral significance of inner experience (I call this 'inwardness') and addresses affliction more in terms of ethics than ritual. I describe these ethics in terms of 'care': they stress presence with the afflicted person, engagement with their experience, and appeal to God in prayer. After two chapters describing Christianity in Nepal and Bhaktapur in general terms, I devote four chapters to examining different categories of Bhaktapurian Christians: those who have experienced healing, women, leaders, and youth. I focus on four conversion narratives, and relate these narratives both to other ethnographic materials and to broader trends in Bhaktapurian and global Christianity. I highlight the significance of the values of inwardness and care, and of narrative itself, in the life-worlds of Bhaktapurian Christians.

Visceral leishmaniasis (VL) or kala-azar is a parasitic infectious disease that is fatal if left untreated. Two types of Leishmania species are causal agents of VL: Leishmania infantum and Leishmania donovani. VL caused by L.infantum is a zoonosis and is endemic in countries around the Mediterranean basin and in Latin-America. VL caused by L. donovani is assumed to be an anthroponosis and is endemic in East-Africa and the Indian subcontinent.<p><p>VL is considered as a major public health problem in the Indian subcontinent and the annual case load of VL in this focus is represents around 80% of the global burden. In Nepal, a quarter of the country’s population is estimated to be at risk of this disease. The disease in the ISC is caused by L. donovani, which is transmitted from man to man by the bite of the sandfly Phlebotomus argentipes. VL occurs predominantly among the poorest of the poor. Since 2005, the governments of Bangladesh, India and Nepal have been engaged in a collaborative effort to eliminate VL from the region. The strategies to control the disease include early diagnosis and treatment, along with vector control measures, effective disease surveillance, social mobilization and partnership building, and clinical and operational research. In recent years, considerable efforts were made within the elimination initiative. Still, important gaps remain in the understanding of the VL epidemiology, and impact as well as on the best approach to case management or vector control. These knowledge gaps may affect the success of the ongoing VL elimination initiative and make it difficult to meet the set target of bringing the incidence down to less than 1 case per 10,000 by 2015. With this background we focused on some of the knowledge gaps; we wanted to generate evidence and offer sound recommendations for policy makers to underpin the ongoing VL elimination initiative in the Indian subcontinent in general and in Nepal in particular. <p><p>We have - for the first time- described the epidemiology of L. donovani infection in high transmission areas in Nepal. The sero-prevalence of L. donovani infection was 9% in these communities, but there was wide variation between endemic villages (5-15%). The seroprevalence rates remain however substantially lower than those observed in a parallel study in the neighbouring districts in Bihar, India. In our study 39% of individuals who live together in a house with at least one recent VL case were serologically (DAT) positive compared to 9% in the overall study population in the same endemic region. This pattern suggests that untreated VL cases are the main source of transmission and sharing the same household is an important risk factor for L. donovani infection. Therefore, the VL elimination campaign recently initiated an active case detection strategy including the search of active cases of VL and post-kala-azar dermal leishmaniasis (PKDL).<p><p>Generally the risk factors for VL are linked to precarious housing conditions and an environment that provides excellent breeding sites for the sandfly vector.VL has thus been largely considered as a disease of the rural poor. However, with occasional cases being reported also from town e.g. Dharan in south-eastern Nepal, questions were raised about possible extension of transmission to urban areas.<p><p>We conducted an outbreak investigation including a case-control study among the residents of Dharan town. We documented several clusters of VL cases in the more peripheral wards of the town. These are wards with new settlements where the poorest migrants install themselves. They are typically a rural-urban interface with most residents dependent on daily wages as agricultural labourers. However, several factors pointed to urban transmission: firstly, we found a strong association between VL and certain housing factors. Secondly, the clustering of VL cases in space and the intra-household clustering makes urban transmission more likely than infection due to migration. Finally, the entomological data also provide further evidence in support of local transmission of VL inside the town. The vector P. argentipes was captured repeatedly inside the town, and some of them were infested with L. donovani.<p><p>We studied the health seeking behavior and documented the households cost of VL care in a miltefosine-based programme after the intensified implementation of VL control efforts in Nepal. We enrolled 168 patients that had been treated for VL within twelve months prior to the survey in five districts in south-eastern Nepal. We observed a median delay of 25 days to present to the appropriate level of the primary healthcare system. Most patients first visited unqualified local practitioners or traditional faith healers for VL care. With a median total cost of US$ 165 per episode of VL treatment, the economic burden of VL across all households was 11% of annual household income or 57% of median annual per capita income. About half of the households exceeded the catastrophic expenditure threshold of 10% of annual household income. Our findings seem to suggest that, compared to previous studies, the economic burden of VL (as a % of household income) has indeed decreased. However, despite the provision of free diagnostics and drugs by the government, households still incurred substantial medical out-of-pocket expenditure, especially at private providers. The government should consider specific policies to reduce VL care costs such as a conditional cash programme for travel and food, and a better health insurance scheme. <p><p>We monitored clinical outcomes of VL treatment with miltefosine up to 12 months after the completion of therapy and explored the potential role of patient compliance, drug resistance, and reinfection. The initial cure rate was 95.8% and cure rate at 6 months after treatment was 82.5%, which further dropped to 73.3% at 12 months after miltefosine treatment. The relapse rate at 6 months was 10.8% and 20.0% at 12 months i.e. relapse is observed in one-fifth of miltefosine treated VL patients in Nepal. The decreased effectiveness of miltefosine observed in our study is an alarming signal for the ongoing VL elimination initiative and implicates the need for reviewing the drug policy in the Indian subcontinent. Relapse was most common among children (<12 years of age) and continued to occur beyond the commonly used 6-month follow-up period. No significant clinical risk factors or predictors of relapse apart from age <12 years were found. Parasite fingerprints of pre-treatment and relapse bone marrow isolates were similar within 8 tested patients, suggesting that clinical relapses were not due to re-infection with a new strain, but due to true recrudescences. MIL blood levels at the end of treatment were similar for cured and relapsed patients.The MIL-susceptibility of 131 VL isolates was also analysed in vitro with a promastigote assay and the mean promastigote MIL-susceptibility (IC50) of isolates from definite cures was similar to that of relapses.<p><p>We also assessed patient adherence to miltefosine treatment for VL given on an unsupervised ambulatory basis, prescribed under routine conditions (i.e. little or no time for treatment counselling) in government primary healthcare facilities. Our findings showed that adherence is a problem and the target of 90% of capsules taken is not reached in 15% of the enrolled patients. The gastrointestinal related side-effects and treatment-negligence after the resolution of clinical symptoms of VL were the main reasons for poor adherence. Effective counselling during the treatment, a short take-home message on the action and side effects of miltefosine, and on the importance of adherence are the best way to prevent poor adherence.<p><p>Post-kala-azar dermal leishmaniasis is more commonly seen in inadequately treated cases which is considered as a reservoir of infection maintaining disease transmission. The occurrence of PKDL in Nepal is relatively low compared to neighbouring countries involved in the elimination initiative. Supervised and adequate treatment of VL seems essential to reduce the risk of PKDL development. Policy makers should include surveillance and case management of PKDL in the VL elimination programme.<p> / Doctorat en Santé Publique / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This study aims to examine the motivation, experience and benefits of Nepalese domestic tourists visiting the seismic memorial sites after the 25 April 2015 earthquake (known as Gorkha earthquake). A total of 403 surveys was gathered from seismic sites of Nepal (Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and Patan). Data were tested to analyze why the tourists are interested in disaster sites and how their experience during their visit impact the benefits of the visits. Additionally, partial least square structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) was employed to test the relationships among tourist motivations, experiences, and perceived benefits at the dark tourism sites in Nepal. Among the five motivational factors discovered, the empirical results depict that emotional reaction is the strongest factor of the dark tourism motivation, affecting both cognitive and affective experiences. Additionally, this study confirms that cognitive experience is more influenced by dark tourism motivations than affective experience. Among the four experience factors examined in the study, self-reflection is found to have the strongest impact of three aspects of perceived dark tourism benefits, such as knowledge gain, fulfillment, and appreciation. Overall, the findings of the study provide important implications to the management sectors of dark tourism sites, enhancing the importance of providing cognitive experiences (i.e. distributing the educational materials about the dark tourism events and offering the knowledgeable tour guide who can guide the sites) and affective experience of the tourists (storytelling about the events, organizing educational and volunteering programs at the sites). Further, this study contributes to the limited literature in the context of dark tourism and provide important managerial and practical implications based on the case of Nepal earthquake in 2015.

Master of Arts / Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work / Gerad D. Middendorf / The label “fair-trade” might seem to be a definitive designation: either a product is or isn’t. In fact, a continuum exists, resultant mostly from the participation in fair-trade by diverse groups of producer organizations, buyers, certifying organizations, and consumers. Therefore, the way fair-trade is perceived and practiced cannot be presumed to be homogenous. In order to better understand the complexities of fair-trade, a qualitative study was carried out to examine one fair-trade product and its producers. Two Nepalese handmade paper companies, Bhaktapur Craft Paper (BCP) and Get Paper Industry (GPI), were studied to gain insight into the producers’ perceptions, interpretations, and practices of fair-trade. This study also assesses the impact of fair-trade affiliation on the socio-economic conditions of producers and workers. To provide the opportunity for comparison, the cases of BCP and GPI were also compared, where possible, to those of a non-fair-trade company, Bagmati Paper Industries (BPI). The study finds that the fair-trade producer organizations were affiliated with fair-trade networks primarily to promote their business by way of the multiple and committed trading partners involved in fair-trade. Also, affiliation seemed to have positive impacts on the overall business of the paper companies, contributing to growth in sales over the years. Likewise, different training programs sponsored by fair-trade organizations, such as Fair Trade Group Nepal and World Fair Trade Organization-Asia, and fair-trade buyers also contributed to the capacity enhancement of producer organizations. The producers in the paper companies lacked an understanding of fair-trade due to a lack of participation in decision making, a high level of illiteracy among producers, and because management did not consider producer awareness of fair-trade as significant. The study finds positive impacts of fair-trade involvement on the producers’ socio-economic position: a company’s participation in and practice of fair-trade is positively related to improvement in the socio-economic conditions of producers. Considering wages, work-hours, working conditions, and job satisfaction of workers, the fair-trade companies were determined to more favorably affect workers’ lives than the non-fair-trade company.

Nepal occupies a unique global position as a peripheral social formation subject to decades of relative isolation from capitalism. Although the agrarian sector has long been understood to be dominated by pre-capitalist economic formations, it is important to examine whether contemporary changes underway in the country are transforming the rural economy. There has been an expansion of capitalist markets following economic liberalization and improvements in the transport infrastructure. Furthermore, neo-liberal commercialisation initiatives such as the Agriculture Perspective Plan provide the ideological justification and pre-conditions for the broader process of capitalist expansion, despite the pro-poor rhetoric. However, just as neo-liberal poverty alleviation strategy is flawed, there are also shortcomings in many Marxian understandings of the transition from pre-capitalist to capitalist agriculture in peripheral social formations. There is a tendency for political-economic theorists to assume the inevitable ‘dominance’ of capitalism, contradicting considerable evidence to the contrary from throughout the world. The central objective of this thesis is to understand how pre-capitalist economic formations have been able to ‘resist’ capitalist expansion in rural Nepal. There is a necessity to understand the mechanisms through which older ‘modes of production’ are reproduced, their articulations with other economic formations – including capitalism – and how they are situated globally. As a case study, one year’s fieldwork was completed on Nepal’s eastern Terai using both qualitative and quantitative methods. The research suggested that surplus appropriation through rent in a mode of production which can only be described as ‘semi-feudal’, has for a majority of farming households impeded accumulation and profitable commercialisation, a precondition for the emergence of capitalist relations. Semi-feudalism has been reproduced for decades internally by the political control over land and externally by Nepal’s subordinate position in the global economy. The latter process has constrained industrialization and rendered much of the peasantry dependent upon landlords who have no incentive to lower rents. The economic insecurity which has arisen in the context of semi-feudal production relations has allowed further forms of surplus appropriation in the sphere of circulation to flourish, through for example, interest on loans and price manipulation on commodity sales. This further hinders profitable commercialisation amongst both semi-feudal tenants and also owner cultivators who farm under what can be termed an ‘independent peasant’ mode of production. Even wealthier independent peasant producers who could potentially become capitalist farmers are constrained both by high cultural capital expenses, oligoposnistic activity by industry in the capitalist grain markets, and Indian rice imports which depress local prices. Furthermore, development initiatives which could potentially facilitate capitalist transition through the introduction of productivity boosting techniques have had limited success under the prevailing relations of production and the associated ideological relations of caste and gender. The above findings are of crucial significance if one is to develop policies and political strategies for equitable change in peripheral social formations such as Nepal.

The purpose of this thesis will be to explore conceptions of waste in Nepal’s rural village of Simigaau to understand what constitutes waste and in what ways it is critical to the community’s physical and cultural survival. Due to the contribution of many aspects of daily life in the creation of “waste” in Simigaau –what it is and what it means – I hope to use a whole systems approach to understand the multitude of factors that affect how villagers view waste and whether its value can provide insight into a local way of life. Moreover, I aim to explore whether a community’s waste – seen and unseen – provide insight into a local way of life and if so, how this insight may be applied to both Nepal at large and connotations of “waste” in the West.

This particular paper is meant to investigate planning in Kathmandu, Nepal specifically land use planning practices and the implications on the transportation network(s). Very early on in the research including existing land use (if any), and current transportation networks, it was clear that investigations must be made into the political and planning situation leading up to the modern era in Nepal. The overview of past political events is necessary to explain current planning trends and techniques, and also the mindset of the people of Kathmandu towards planning. Of course universal planning truths can be applied in various international contexts, but each location and situation has to be approached with a fresh perspective. Where hard planning process is lacking often times planning theory can help to fill in some of the gaps. Both qualitative factors and quantitative data are presented and analyzed to show the current planning and transportation situation in Kathmandu.

In this thesis I explore the extent to which women and girls are disadvantaged within the Nepalese education system. I attempt to investigate the barriers to, and opportunities for, participation by women and girls in the formal education system, including those who are doubly discriminated against because of gender and caste. I attempt to explore the issues in three ways: through an examination of my own experience growing up in Nepal as a member of a Brahmin family, and employed within the Ministry of Education in Nepal; through an exploration of the relevant literature within and outside Nepal; and through an ethnographic case-study of a village community. I spent about four months as a participant observer in the village engaging in unstructured in-depth interviews, as well as recording conversations and reflections in a research diary. Although the village is situated only 15 kilometers from Kathmandu, it exhibited a pattern of life that has changed very slowly in the fifty-two years since the end of the 50s. I report the extent of changes in the experiences of women and girls in the village, through their own reflections on their social position and the value of education to them, and their involvement and attendance at public, including religious, occasions. I report, too, on both the changing attitudes of men and their resistance to them. I pay particular attention to the present position of girls, through a detailed account of a public secondary school, situated at the centre of the village. I report on my observations in the classroom, conducted interviews with the girls, inside and outside school, and read their diaries in which they wrote down reflections about their experiences in school and at home. I selected, as key informants, a group of Dalit and Non-Dalit girls and boys, who were studying in Bhagawati School, as well as a group of girls who had stopped attending school. The activities of these key informants were observed in their schools, and outside as well. Interviews were also conducted with their parents, teachers and members of the different communities in the village. These opinions were supplemented with views about the education of girls, in general, and Dalit girls, in particular, and from discussions with Dalit activists and NGO workers. I consider how the value of education for girls is revealed, and affected, by competition from private schools, where boys predominate. I build a picture of the differences in educational participation of Dalits and non-Dalits, males and females and Dalit and non-Dalit girls. I also examine the role of NGOs in the village, and the extent to which they influence participation of women in education. I incorporate concepts of inclusion and exclusion into Bourdieu’s theory of cultural reproduction, as grounds for understanding how discrimination towards girls and Dalits is perpetuated in education. I also borrow the concept of cultural production theory, in order to examine how the schooled children resist traditional beliefs and prejudiced attitudes, about gender and caste, where the school offers a forum for the creation of a new counter-culture. I also draw on a Freirean approach to analyse how to increase the self-awareness of the excluded about their own exclusion. I provide an analysis of the case-study material, and a consideration of what these add to the literature and my own autobiographical reflections. I follow this with a critical analysis of how girls, and disadvantaged children, have experienced change in their educational participation, as a result of the efforts made by the government to implement its educational policies. I conclude that discrimination against girls in education persists, despite some changes, and is exacerbated by the interaction between gender, caste and poverty. The patriarchal value system and prejudices towards girls’ education, are still creating major barriers to girls’ opportunities for education, with low caste disproportionately increasing discrimination towards girls, compared to boys. The growth of private education is an added force for discrimination, with boys far more likely than girls to be supported by their families at private schools. I suggest that ways of combating discrimination need to be reviewed, within the relatively new context of a Nepalese democratic republic. This will require a redirection of policy-making and administration, from personal careers and patronage, towards a determined effort to put into practice the ideals of the Education for All programme in Nepal, without regard to gender, caste or ethnic background.