Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: While The New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad) is a grand plan by African leaders to eradicate poverty and to place their countries on a path of sustainable growth and development, the African Union (AU) will attempt to unite Africa economically and to succeed where the non-interventionist Organisation of African Unity (OAU) had failed. What makes Nepad different to earlier plans is that African leaders have now taken the initiative and are assuming responsibility for the process. A requirement for Nepad to gain momentum is that peace and security must prevail on the continent. The responsibility for creating this environment will rest mainly on the shoulders of the AU. The purpose of this research is (a) To describe • the objectives of the AU and Nepad; • the AU's protocols and decisions on peace, security and good governance, and to highlight some accountability and enforcement challenges it will face; • the structure and organs of Nepad; • the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM); and • the relations between Nepad, the AU and the G8; (b) To identify points of convergence / divergence between the AU and Nepad; (c) To evaluate • the AU on the basis of its handling of pressing leadership challenges on the African continent, in particular Zimbabwe, and • Nepad on the basis of progress made thus far with the implementation thereof. Nepad's preconditions for sustainable development imply that if the Peace and Security Council of the AU fails in its mission, Nepad will also fail, since satisfying these conditions - peace, security and political governance- is absolutely essential if Africa wants to attract the desperately needed capital flows from the industrial world. Chapter Two describes the major accountability and enforcement challenges that the AU will face. The author is of the opinion that the current lack of political will by African leaders to denounce the Mugabe regime, both individually and collectively as AU members, is severely damaging the credibility of both the AU and Nepad. Funding the AU may prove to be a huge stumbling block for the organisation. The AU should anticipate the unwillingness of members to pay their contributions, and therefore take a firm stand from the outset by imposing sanctions and/or withdrawing voting rights, as the OAU had to do to force countries to pay their dues. The author points out how contradictions in Nepad documents cause confusion, especially over certain security initiatives such as the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and the AU's Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa (CSSDCA). Despite not having consulted and involved a broad spectrum from the outset and despite lack of clarity, Nepad seems to have made considerable progress in coopting role players who will be involved with projects on the ground. Nevertheless, due to the unwillingness of continental leaders to speak up against the Mugabe regime, the prognosis is that Nepad and the AU stand to loose face. Both Nepad and the AU need to build momentum, particularly around issues such as credibility and transparency, to prove its value. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Terwyl die Nuwe Vennootskap vir Afrika se Ontwikkeling (Nepad) 'n plan van Afrikaleiers is om armoede op die vasteland uit te roei en om hul onderskeie lande op die pad van volhoubare ontwikkeling te plaas, gaan die Afrika Unie (AU) poog om Afrika ekonomies te verenig, iets wat die nie-inmengende Organisasie vir Eenheid in Afrika (OEA) nie kon vermag nie. Wat Nepad anders maak as vorige pogings is dat die inisiatief van Afrika-leiers self afkomstig is en dat elkeen verantwoordelikheid vir die proses aanvaar. 'n Vereiste vir Nepad om te slaag is dat vrede en stabiliteit in Afrika moet heers, en die verantwoordelikheid om hierdie kondisie te skep berus by die AU. Die doel van hierdie navorsing is (a) Om die volgende te beskryf: • Die doelwitte van die AU en Nepad; • Die verskillende protokols van die AU en besluite rondom vrede, sekuriteit en goeie regering, asook die uitdagings rondom toerekenbaarheid en die uitvoering van besluite; • Die struktuur van Nepad; • Die Oorsigmeganisme (APRM); • Verhoudinge tussen Nepad, die AU en die G8; (b) Om konvergente en divergente aspekte van die AU en Nepad uit te wys; (c) Om die volgende te evalueer: • Die AU op grond van sy hantering van dreigende leierskapsuitdagings, en in besonder Zimbabwe, en • Nepad op grond van die vordering wat tot op hede gemaak is met die implimentering daarvan. Nepad se voorvereistes vir volhoubare ontwikkeling impliseer dat sou die Veiligheidsraad van die AU in sy missie misluk, Nepad ook sal misluk, aangesien , vrede, stabiliteit en goeie regering absoluut noodsaaklik is indien Afrika die broodnodige kapitaal van die industriële wêreld na die kontinent wil lok. In Hoofstuk Twee word die vernaamste uitdagings rondom toerekenvatbaarheid en uitvoerbaarheid wat die AU in die gesig staar, bespreek. Die skrywer is van mening dat die huidige gebrek aan politieke wil deur leiers om, beide individueel en gesamentlik as AU lede, die Mugabe regime te kritiseer, die geloofwaardigheid van beide Nepad en die AU ernstige skade berokken. Die befondsing van die AU mag potensieël 'n struikelblok vir die organisasie word. Die AU moet verwag dat sommige lede onwillig mag wees om hul bydraes te betaal, en om hierdie rede moet vanuit die staanspoor daadwerklik teen sulkes opgetree word. Sanksies en die weerhouing van stemreg is twee maniere om nie-betalers aan te spreek, net soos die OEA destyds gedoen het met lidlande wat in gebreke gebly het om bydraes te betaal. Die skrywer wys ook daarop hoe Nepad dokumente mekaar weerspreek, veral ten opsigte van die Oorsigmeganisme (APRM) en die AU se Konferensie oor Sekuriteit, Stabiliteit, Ontwikkeling en Samewerking in Afrika (CSSDCA). Dit skep verwarring. Ten spyte van die feit dat die Nepad proses in gebreke gebly het om wyd te konsulteer, asook ten spyte van die verwarring wat heers, is daar reeds beduidende vordering gemaak wat betref die koöptering van belangrike rolspelers wat op voetsoolvlak by projekte betrokke gaan wees. Desnieteenstaande, Nepad en die AU loop die gevaar om aansien te verloor as gevolg van die onbereidwilligheid van Afrika-leiers om teen die Mugabe regime op te tree. Deursigtigheid en geloofwaardigheid is twee aspekte waaraan beide Nepad en die AU ernstig moet aandag gee om daadwerklik waarde toe te voeg.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Ever since the 1960's independence move, the African continent has been faced with dire economic and social realities, which were compounded by weak political leadership and state institutions. Although various socio-economic development initiatives, such as the 1980 Lagos Plan of Action and the eventual signing of the Abuja Treaty in 1991 purposed to support Africa's integration into the global economy through export orientated production and regional economic integration, there still existed an incoherency in the strategic response from the continent's political leaders towards regional and continental economic development strategies. While the foundation for establishing an African Economic Community has been laid through the Abuja Treaty within the framework of the Organisation for African Unity, regional economic and trade integration have been fragmented, with many dual and overlapping membership of regional economic communities. Integration endeavours have also often been impeded by national and sub-regional armed conflicts, and thus did not result in the desired levels of economic growth and expected increases in trade. The exigency to address Africa's severe poverty and unemployment, while at the same time placing the continent on a path of sustainable economic growth and development, made it clear that Africa had to take ownership and responsibility for its own development, while at the same time facilitating the continent's integration into the global political, economic, trade, and financial systems. Since Africa lacks sufficient development resources, African leaders realised the importance for support from the international community through more effective debt relief strategies in facilitating targeted domestic resource mobilisation, increased levels of development aid and trade access to developed nations' markets. In 2001 Africa produced its own integrated development initiative that was embodied in the New Partnership for Africa's Development, also known as NEPAD, premised on African leadership, ownership and partnership. Through NEPAD African leaders express a commitment to accountable and transparent political, financial, fiscal and monetary management in the absence of national and regional conflict, while calling on the international community and African and international private sectors to partnership with African governments in their development endeavours. At the same time, NEPAD identified critical sectoral priorities as preconditions for development that would facilitate greater flows of foreign direct investments. As operational sphere, NEPAD relies on prominent regional economic communities to address Africa's economic disadvantages and market fragmentation through development of trade linkages, harmonisation of regulatory frameworks and further regional trade liberalisation. The emphasis is on fostering a favourable African investment environment since it is acknowledged by African leaders that a prosperous private sector and business community are to be the engines of economic growth and development. The success of NEPAD as the socio-economic development plan of the newly formed African Union relies on the strength of only three supportive pillars namely: the sustained political visionary commitment from Africa's leaders, greater investments to the continent and trade access for Africa's products, and active participation from representative sectors of the private sector. Since NEPAD is a highly ambitious initiative, it is imperative that sub-regional strategies take precedence in ensuring NEPAD's long-term success. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die onafhanklikheidsbeweging van die 1960's staar die Afrika-kontinent knellende ekonomiese en sosiale realiteite in die gesig. Realiteite wat deur swak politieke leierskap en staatsinstellings vererger is. Alhoewel verskeie sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelingsinisiatiewe, soos die 1980 Lagos Plan van Aksie en die uiteindelike ondertekening van die Abuja-verdrag in 1991, beoog het om Afrika se integrasie in die wêreldekonomie te steun deur uitvoer-georiënteerde produksie en ekonomiese integrasie op streeksvlak, was die kontinent se politieke leiers se reaksie op regionale en kontinentale ekonomiese ontwikkelingstrategië inkoherent. Die fondasie vir die tot stand koming van 'n Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap is deur die Abujaverdrag gelê binne die raamwerk van die Organisasie vir Afrika-eenheid, maar op streeksvlak was ekonomiese en handelsintegrasie gefragmenteerd - met 'n hoë voorkoms van dubbele en oorvleuelende lidmaatskap by regionale ekonomiese gemeenskappe. Pogings tot integrasie is ook dikwels deur gewapende konflikte, nasionaal en subregionaal, belemmer. Voorts het die gewenste vlakke van ekonomiese groei en verwagte toename in handel nie gerealiseer nie. Die dringendheid om Afrika se uiterste armoede en werkloosheid aan te spreek, en terselfdertyd die kontinent op 'n pad van volhoubare ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling te plaas, het dit duidelik gemaak dat Afrika self verantwoordelikheid sal moet neem vir sy ontwikkeling, en daarteenoor die kontinent se integrasie in globale politieke, ekonomiese, handel-, en finansiële sisteme moet fasiliteer. Aangesien Afrika nie oor voldoende ontwikkelingsbronne beskik nie, het Afrika-leiers die belangrikheid besef van die internasionale gemeenskap se steun, d.m.v. meer effektiewe skuldlenigingstrategieë in die fasilitering van gefokuste plaaslike hulpbronmobilisasie, verhoogde vlakke van ontwikkelingshulp en handelstoegang tot markte van ontwikkelde nasies. In 2001 lewer Afrika sy eie geïntegreerde ontwikkelingsinisiatief wat vergestalt word in die Nuwe Vennootskap vir Afrika se Ontwikkeling (New Partnership for Africa's Development), ook bekend as Nepad, met Afrika-leierskap, -eienaarskap en -vennootskap as basis. Afrika-leiers betuig deur Nepad 'n verbintenis tot verantwoordbare en deursigtige politieke, finansiële, fiskale en monetêre bestuur in die afwesigheid van nasionale en streekskonflik, terwyl hulle die internasionale gemeenskap en internasionale en Afrika-privaatsektore nader vir vennootskap met Afrika-regerings in hulle ontwikkelingspogings. Nepad identifiseer terselfdertyd kritieke sektorale prioriteite as voorwaardes vir ontwikkeling, wat groter vloei van direkte buitelandse belegging sal vergemaklik. As operasionele sfeer, maak Nepad staat op prominente regionale ekonomiese gemeenskappe om Afrika se ekonomiese agterstande en markfragmentasie aan te spreek deur die uitbou van handelskakelings, harmonisering van regulatoriese raamwerke en verdere regionale handelsliberalisering. Die klem is daarop om 'n gunstige investeringsomgewing in Afrika te bevorder, aangesien Afrika-leiers erken dat 'n florerende privaatsektor en besigheidsgemeenskap die dryfkrag vir ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling is. Nepad se sukses as die sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelingsplan vir die nuut-gevormde Afrika-unie berus op die krag van slegs drie ondersteunende pilare, naamlik: die volgehoue politieke verbintenis tot die visie deur Afrika-leiers, groter beleggings in die kontinent en handelstoegang vir Afrika se produkte, en aktiewe deelname van verteenwoordigende sektore uit die privaatsektor. Met 'n hoogs ambisieuse inisiatief soos Nepad, is dit gebiedend noodsaaklik dat subregionale strategieë voorkeur geniet ten einde Nepad se langtermyn sukses te verseker.

Despite according high priority to regional economic integration and being clustered by regional economic schemes, Africa’s regional economic integration record is not inspiring. With the transformation of the OAU to the African Union (AU), the New Partnership for Africa`s Development (NEPAD) was adopted as the development program of the continent to drive the impetus of economic integration through trade. At the time NEPAD was adopted, regional integration schemes in Africa were facing problems of low intra-regional trade levels despite trade being identified as the engine of activity and economic growth for regional economic integration. The study was centered on Southern Africa with precise attention on SADC. Even though trade is accepted as a vital engine of economic growth and development, this is not the case with SADC. The study was looking at the contribution of NEPAD in intra-regional trade in Africa with special focus on SADC. This was prompted by the fact that regional integration is business as usual within the sub region while problems that have been confronting regional schemes are continuing unabated after the adoption of NEPAD. The study used the historical approach because it provides the study with an advantage of accessing existing literature with regards to what is really stalling intra-regional trade in SADC. The study findings noted that NEPAD has not fully addressed the problems of intra-regional trade within SADC and the continent at large. The study lastly concludes by giving a way forward for NEPAD to respond to the specific needs of SADC for the promotion of intra-regional and equitable trade.

This study is a contribution to the on-going debate about the path that Africa has taken in realising the vision of its renewal. The central theme of the study is the idea of Africa's 'new partnership' with the industrialised North, which is envisaged under the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). Acknowledging that asymmetrical partnerships have existed between Africa and the North, particularly in the last century, the question this study poses is: to what extent does the idea of the 'new partnership' represent something new? The study argues two points. Firstly, it argues that the idea of the new partnership has become a terrain of contestation between the Africanist and the post-modernist social forces. Secondly, the study argues that it is unlikely that conceptualising the idea of the new partnership in post-modernist terms will result in sustainable development and rebirth of Africa. That is particularly the case, because post-modernity suggests a certain degree of loyalty to the prevailing and asymmetrical global order. Against this background, the study concludes that the extent to which Africa will enjoy the benefits of a truly revised partnership with the North, and thus fulfil the vision of its rebirth, will be determined, by and large, by the modalities of accommodation and struggle between these social forces.

The concept of accountability has grown to become an integral part of a broader political and socio-economic transformation. Closely associated to it is the concept of "auditing" which has established itself as a main driving force of accountability and a core means of delivering it. The extent of the rise and expansion of "auditing" has subsequently come to influence every aspect of modern life and this has led to a situation in which practices have had to adapt to the principles of "auditing" processes. Auditing has become prevalent in both the public and private spheres and this impact has far reaching consequences. The concept of "auditing" is evident in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and is central to its review process. This thesis focuses on the concept of "auditing" in order to illustrate how the APRM has borrowed and applied insights from other disciplinary practices so as to enhance an understanding of accountability and transparency as features of "good governance" and to explicate how these concepts are conceived within the framework of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). It also clarifies the relationship that exists between "peer review" and "auditing" and argues that rather than being considered as two poles marked by distance from each other "auditing" and "peer review" are closely related and mutually constitutive.

"The right to participate in the political and economic life of one's state is guaranteed in most African constitutions as well as in regional and international human rights instruments. It is practiced in various froms, one of which is through elections. Zambia and Uganda are among African countries that have embarked on the democratisation process. The leadership of the two countries ascribed to the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), launched in October 2001. NEPAD emphasises a "common vision and a firm and shared conviction" by African leaders for Africa's development. It is the determination of Africans to extricate themselves and the continent from the malaise of underdevelopment and exclusion in a globalising world. ... Since the return to multiparty politics in 1991, Zambia has had periodic elections every five years, the latest being in December 2001. Uganda too, after two decades of instability and military dictatorship, returned to the path of democracy under the leadership of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and had the latest elections in June 2001, although in contrast to Zambia, it was held on the basis of a "no-party" system. Common to the elections in the two countries are alleged electoral malpractices. The electoral processes in place in the two countries have perpetuated the trend. As a result, the electorate have been cheated of their genuine choices. For NEPAD to achieve the vision it postulates, Africa requires committed leadership borne out of free, fair, open and democratic electoral processes. Africa needs electoral practices that guarantee fairness, inclusiveness and accountability of the elected to the electorate. Zambia and Uganda must adopt electoral practices that would foster democracy in the two countries and in line with the NEPAD vision for Africa stipulated in the Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance (DDPECG). ... This thesis consists of five chapters. The first chapter outlines the context of the study. Chapter two is devoted to a study of NEPAD objectives, goals and tasks with particular attention to democracy, good governance, and free and fair and periodic elections. Chapter three looks at the electoral and legal framework of Zambia while chapter four addresses the electoral and legal frame of Uganda. Chapter five is a summary of the study and makes conclusions from the entire study and some recommendations for the adoption of particular electoral practices by the two countries, NEPAD, the civil society and the donor community." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor J. Oloka-Onyango at the Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Dissertation (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The overall aim of this study is to shape the future of the SADC through the New Partnerships for Africa’s Development leadership development strategy (NEPAD LDS), including a social responsiveness strategy. It proceeds from the premise that leadership development should be based on the values and interests of an institution, because these represent the institution’s position regarding the context within which it exists. This study pursued the following objectives: • To identify leadership needs in the SADC • To suggest a NEPAD-based leadership development strategy that includes a social responsiveness strategy as a response to identified SADC leadership needs The research therefore viewed the future of the SADC through leadership development. The entry point in this process was to establish the character and qualities of the SADC, considering that the continued existence of this region depends on its ability to transform all its systems in a unified pursuit of common goals. The history and natural resources of the region were thus seen to be the most visible measures of its overall health and strategic direction. The process of stakeholder identification and mapping was then pursued, with the view to help the SADC leadership to assess systematically the nature and impact of groups with which the organisation deals. Following the stakeholder analysis, information on the macro-environment of the SADC was gathered because of the impact the external environment has on the SADC. This large body of information was screened systematically. The scanning taxonomy that was developed included five areas: social, technological, environmental, economic and political (STEEP). This specialised taxonomy helped the researcher to focus on issues of greatest concern to the study. The issues that were scanned are discussed relative to their impact on SADC leadership practice. Based on the leadership challenges in the SADC thus identified, planning assumptions were developed, which are best guesses or predictions about key dimensions of the future given the leadership challenges identified. These assumptions are estimates based on the combination of estimating factors/validation points, which are portrayed in the analysis of the macro-environment of the SADC. The probability, the impact, the proximity and the maturity of these assumptions are interpreted by calculating their weighted positive or negative values. Cross-impact analysis of the validation points is used to guide the SADC decision-makers to adopt policies designed to achieve more desirable leadership futures. Here, the connections between validation points impacting on the probability of one another are illustrated. These specified relationships trace out a distinct, plausible and internally consistent future for the SADC leadership. This analysis gives rise to the identification of key validation points/drivers in the SADC from which emerge the key leadership needs of this region. Further needs that emerged were to make the NEPAD the base upon which the leadership development programme is built, and to incorporate social responsiveness strategy. Based on these key leadership needs in the SADC, it is suggested that a NEPADbased leadership development strategy, including a social responsiveness strategy, be developed and implemented. Furthermore, the NEPAD leadership development strategy (NEPAD LDS) should be based on the premise that linking leadership development with a social responsiveness strategy is critical not only for the SADC, but for the entire world, because this region is part of the global village. It is suggested that the implementation strategy should enable participants to translate the NEPAD LDS into action and to see leadership development and a social responsiveness strategy as key mechanisms for doing so. This study attempts to avoid the worn-out remedies of the past and uses a holistic approach called Common Sense Management, which entails market research, directionsetting, strategy development, implementing strategies and outcome assessment. The findings and the conclusions for this study are organised around the research questions that were the basis of motivation for this study. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die oorhoofse doelwit van hierdie studie is om die toekoms van die Suider- Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) te help bepaal deur middel van die Nuwe Vennootskap vir Afrika se Ontwikkeling (algemeen bekend as NEPAD) se leiderskapsontwikkelingstrategie (LDS), insluitende 'n sosiale deelnemendheidstrategie. Dit gaan uit vanaf die veronderstelling dat leierskapsontwikkeling op die waardes en belange van 'n instelling behoort te berus, omdat hulle die instelling se posisie verteenwoordig rakende die konteks waarbinne dit bestaan. Hierdie studie het die volgende doelwitte nagevolg: • Om leierskapsbehoeftes in SAOG te identifiseer • Om 'n NEPAD-gebaseerde leierskapontwikkelingstrategie voor te stel wat 'n sosiale deelnemendheidstrategie insluit as 'n reaksie op die geïdentifiseerde SAOG leierskapsbehoeftes. Daarom betrag die navorsingstuk die toekoms van SAOG deur die bril van leierskapsontwikkeling. Die vertrekpunt in hierdie proses was om die karakter en hoedanighede van SAOG vas te stel met in agneming dat die volgehoue bestaan van hierdie streek van sy vermoë afhang om al sy stelsels in 'n verenigde nastreef van gemeenskaplike doelwitte te transformeer. Die geskiedenis en natuurlike hulpbronne van die streek is dus gesien as die mees sigbare maatreëls in sy oorhoofse gesondheid- en strategiese rigting. Die proses om belanghebbers te identifiseer en te beskryf, is vervolgens aangepak met die oog op bystand aan die SAOG se leierskap om die aard en impak van groepe waarmee die organisasie te doene het, sistematies te beoordeel. Na afloop van die belanghebbersanalise, is inligting oor SAOG se makro-omgewing versamel vanweë die impak van die eksterne omgewing op SAOG. Hierdie groot hoeveelheid inligting is sistematies verwerk. Die verwerkingsistematiek wat ontwikkel is, sluit vyf gebiede in: sosiaal, tegnologies, omgewing, ekonomies en polities (STOEP). Hierdie gespesialiseerde sistematiek het die navorser in staat gestel om op sake wat van die grootste belang vir die studie is, te konsentreer. Die aangeleenthede wat verwerk is, word bespreek in verhouding met hul impak op SAOG se leierskapspraktyke. Op grond van die leierskapsuitdagings in SAOG wat aldus geïdentifiseer is, is beplanningsaannames opgestel wat beste skattings of voorspellings verteenwoordig aangaande sleutelelemente van die toekoms, gegewe die leierskapsuitdagings wat bepaal is. Hierdie aannames word vasgestel op grond van die samestelling van faktore/geldigheidspunte wat in die analise van die makro-omgewing van SAOG voorgestel word. Die waarskynlikheid, die impak, die nabyheid en die rypheid van hierdie aannames word by wyse van die berekening van hul geweegde positiewe of negatiewe waardes geïnterpreteer. 'n Kruisimpakanalise van die geldigheidspunte word gebruik om rigting aan die SAOG besluitnemers te verskaf om hul beleidsrigtings aan te pas om 'n meer gewenste leierskapstoekoms te bewerkstellig. Hier word dan die verbinding tussen die geldigheidspunte uitgebeeld wat 'n invloed op mekaar se onderlinge waarskynlikheid uitoefen. Hierdie aangeduide verhoudings dui 'n duidelike, geloofbare en intern konsekwente toekoms vir die SAOG leierskap aan. Hierdie analise gee aanleiding tot die identifisering van sleutelgeldigheidspunte/aandrywers vir SAOG waaruit die deurslaggewende leierskapsbehoeftes van die streek na vore tree. Verdere behoeftes wat duidelik geword het, was dat NEPAD die basis behoort te verskaf waarop die leierskapsprogram gebou behoort te word, asook om 'n sosiale deelnemendheidstrategie daarby in te begryp. Op grond van hierdie sleutelleierskapsbehoeftes in SAOG, word aan die hand gedoen dat 'n NEPAD-gebaseerde leierskapsontwikkelingstrategie, insluitende 'n sosiale deelnemendheidstrategie, ontwikkel en toegepas word. Verder behoort die NEPAD leierskapontwikkelingstrategie (NEPAD LDS) op die aanname te berus dat 'n aaneenskakeling van leierskapsontwikkeling met 'n sosiale deelnemendheidstrategie krities nie slegs vir SAOG is nie, maar vir die hele wêreld, aangesien hierdie streek deel is van die wêrelddorp. Dit word aanbeveel dat die implementeringstrategie deelnemers behoort in staat te stel om die NEPAD LDS in aksie in om te skakel en om leierskapsontwikkeling en 'n sosiale deelnemendheidstrategie te beskou as sleutelmeganismes in die proses. Hierdie studie poog om die uitgediende redmiddels van die verlede te vermy en om eerder 'n holistiese benadering te gebruik, wat Gesonde Verstandbestuur genoem kan word, wat marknavorsing, rigtingbepaling, strategie-ontwikkeling, die implementering van strategieë en uitkomsgebaseerde assessering insluit. Die bevindings en die gevolgtrekkings in hierdie studie word om die navorsingsvrae gegroepeer wat as motivering vir hierdie studie gedien het.

Assignment (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: While admitting that the ambitious privatization programme embarked on from 1991 to date in Zambia has contributed to unemployment largely due to the closure of privatized parastatal companies, post-privatization business conduct of investors need analyzing in order to understand why the expected economic growth and job creation in the country has never taken place. In this article the role the local political leadership, globalization and the tendency towards misplaced policy formulation play in driving the state of under development in Zambia will be analysed. The inherent weaknesses in the New Partnership for Africa’s Development which may further deny poor African countries such as Zambia, the benefits of a well timed and supported programme to provide home grown solutions for the continent’s numerous developmental problems will also be looked at. The paper will contribute towards resolving Zambia’s problems by suggesting the need to formulate policies which create a positive interface between local policies adopted to support and attract investment, and the motives driving the global players to invest in particular countries. In particular this paper focuses on the absence of good investment policy formulation, and consequently, the absence of the full economic benefit which should be derived by the economy for hosting multinational business enterprises such as the Shoprite Checkers Group. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ambisieuse privatiserings program wat sedert 1991 in Zambië gevolg word, het hoofsaaklik as gevolg van die sluiting van geprivatiseerde semistaatsmaatskappye tot werkloosheid bygedra. Die sake-optrede van beleggers ná privatisering moet egter ontleed word ten einde te verstaan waarom die verwagte ekonomiese groei en werkskepping nooit in hierdie land plaasgevind het nie. In hierdie artikel sal die rol wat die plaaslike politieke leierskap, globalisering en die neiging na misplaaste beleidsformulering in onderontwikkeling in Zambië speel, ondersoek word. Die inherente tekortkominge in die Nuwe Vennootskap vir Afrika-ontwikkeling wat arm Afrikalande soos Zambië moontlik die voordele van ’n geleë en ondersteunde program om eie oplossings vir die kontinent se veelvuldige ontwikkelingsprobleme te bied, ontsê, sal ook onder die loep geneem word. Hierdie artikel sal ter oplossing van Zambië se probleme voorstel dat beleid geformuleer word wat ’n positiewe raakvlak bied tussen plaaslike beleid wat aangeneem is om belegging te lok en te ondersteun, en die beweegredes agter wêreldrolspelers se besluite om in spesifieke lande te belê. Hierdie artikel fokus veral op die afwesigheid van die formulering van goeie beleggingsbeleid en die gevolglike afwesigheid van die volle voordeel wat die ekonomie daaruit kan put om as gasheer vir multinasionale sake-ondernemigs soos die Shoprite Checkers Groep op te tree.

The New Partnership for Africa's Development- NEPAD is the continued search by African people and its leaders to develop Pan African structures that will initiate social and economic transformation in a rapidly globalizing world which continues to marginalize Africa. According to the human indicators of the United Nations Development Programme, Africa remains the poorest continent under the sun. Half of Africa's 875 million people survive on US $ 1 daily and they have little access to socio - economic infrastructure. South Africa, guided by her foreign policy, which advocates respect for human rights, democracy and economic development, is at the forefront in efforts to promote NEPAD. South Africa's promotion of NEPAD is encouraged by her will to promote the philosophy of African Renaissance, to maintain her prestige in Africa and to assert South Africa's leadership in Africa. Many internal and external problems have been encountered by South Africa whilst promoting NEPAD. Internal problems have been; unemployment, poverty, tuberculosis, HIV I AIDS, corruption and an excruciating debt. The forces of globalization such as economic marginalisation and the non-representation of South Africa within the multilateral institutions such as the World Trade Organization have presented external problems. NEPAD should develop social policies that complement liberal policies in order to address internal problems such as unemployment and poverty. African .governments should not withdraw from being involved in their nation's economies and solely rely on liberal policies for economic capital flows. Lastly, NEPAD should fight for the restructuring of the multilateral institutions such as the World Trade Organization. / M.Admin. (PSIS) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2004

This study examines the prominence of the term governance and its use in multilateral organisations, in particular the New Partnership for African Development. It argues that the term governance is contentious and needs to be reviewed. This is in light of the elevation of governance as a requisite for development, which has come about through the development of NEPAD. This is primarily a study on the position of the state in multilateral regimes and how governance will affect the state and non-state actors. The politics in and around governance are therefore important in any assessment of African development as governance becomes a developmental necessity. The African Rennaisance and African Union have become ‘beacons of hope’ for Africa and these have been discussed here. We can see NEPAD as a historical development that fits into the African Renaissance. This has been a mechanism to ensure state survival and the states that drive NEPAD have played a significant role in providing legitimacy to Africa’s calls for development. This thesis attempts to explain the shift in developmental policy in that NEPAD has seemingly become the first African development strategy that has the support of the West. Through this thesis, we will examine the role that the Post Washington consensus has played in getting this phase of African development started. What becomes significant here is the way in which governance has been accepted as the gauge for support in development. This study therefore aims to offer a means by which to analyse governance in multilateral organisations. As the term is contentious, three paradigms on governance will be provided in order to refine governance in such a way that it can be applied in analysis. This thesis shows that governance can be refined into corporatist, prebendal and conciliar forms. The form of governance that NEPAD will take has implications for the type of reconfiguration of the state brought about by governance.