This study examined the effects and expectations of external economic dependence on foreign investment policy outputs with particular reference to the Nigerian experience between 1954 and 1980. Three basic kinds of external economic dependence were studied: foreign investment, the penetration of the Nigerian economy by foreign capital through the agency of the multinational corporations (MNCs); foreign trade, a measure of the Nigerian economy's participation in the world market; and foreign aid (loans and grants), a measure of Nigeria's reliance on financial assistance from governments and international financial inst itutions. For the most part, the level of Nigeria's economic dependence was very high. However, economic dependency is not translated into changes in foreign investment policy in favor of the foreign investors in Nigeria as is predicted by the dependency paradigm. The Nigerian case casts doubt on the dependency paradigm as a framework for fully explaining factors that may determine foreign direct investment policy changes that occur in a less developed Third World country. In other words, the dependency paradigm has a limited explanatory power; there is a factor independent of the economic factor operating out of the control of global capitalism (the center of the center in alliance with the center of the periphery); and that factor is the political process in Nigeria. The web of the Nigerian political process involves the various aspects of its internal functioning such as the manner in which needs, interests and demands are conveyed from the individuals and groups in the country to those performing state duties. Thus, Nigerian policy makers were more influenced by those elements than pure economic considerations treated in isolation.

Thesis (MDF)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Nigerian economy has suffered huge infrastructure deficits since her independence in 1960, thereby limiting economic growth potential of the country considerably. This research conducted a Granger causality test between Real Gross Domestic Product, infrastructure investment and productivity across manufacturing, agriculture and industrial sectors in Nigeria for the period 1981 – 2012 using multivariate vector error correction model. The co integration test shows that there is a long run relationship between infrastructure investment and economic growth at both at 1 percent and 5 percent levels of significance. Further, the granger causality test indicated a one way causal relationship between infrastructure investments and economic growth in Nigeria running from infrastructure investment to Real Gross Domestic Product growth. We equally established a one way causality relationship between agriculture sector productivity and gross domestic product growth, a one way causal relationship between manufacturing sector productivity and Real Gross Domestic Product growth and a very significant one way causal relationship that runs from infrastructural investment to agriculture sector productivity, all running from the former to the latter. The economic implication of this is that the existing level of infrastructure investment in Nigeria is a significant contributing factor to growth in the level of rea gross domestic product. However, despite the sustained real gross domestic product growth, the Nigerian government has been unable to translate this growth to physical infrastructure development. We conclude that in order to achieve the double digit economic growth needed for a comprehensive economic transformation of Nigeria, the Nigerian government needs to accord greater priority to infrastructure development, particularly in the agricultural and manufacturing sectors.

The approach of the study is historical and institutional. The thesis compares the performance of the pre-war Nigerian economy to its post-war performance. The study analyzes the role of petroleum production, agriculture, and the banking system as the major generators of growth in the economy. It portrays the political framework of the country, and endeavors to give a clear and concise understanding of the economic and political implications of the war. Development planning policy issues are examined and evaluated to ascertain the degree to which Nigerian planners are fully aware of the nation's development obstacles.

This is a demographic study of Nigeria between 1952-1982. Relationships between population growth and economic development are described in detail. Comparisons are made of demographic growth in Nigeria with other developing countries, particularly those in Africa. Population pressure, the condition of the rural areas, and some internal and external population problems are discussed in length. The government's position and the public view on population control and family planning programs are also examined. Current programs of family limitation are discussed and evaluated. The study concludes with recommendations for solutions. Emphasis is placed on the need for immediate recognition and action. Various solutions, particularly education, are evaluated.

The debt-for democracy hypothesis is that undemocratic governments were largely responsible for not only the accumulation but also poor management of externally sourced capital resources. External borrowing had therefore failed to lead to growth of the economies of debtor countries under undemocratic political leadership. Despite this explanation of the debt problem conventional empirical analyses of the debt-growth relationship did not include political institutional variables. This study investigates the relationship between democratization and debt-led growth, using Nigeria, a typical debtor country whose politics was dominated by 'undemocratic ' governance, as a case study. Two broad research questions are investigated namely, whether available data support a negative or positive contribution of debt to the growth of the Nigeria economy during the period 1970-2000; and ifso was there any link between the levels of democratization in Nigeria and debt-led growth. Using a census of major political events in Nigeria around four dimensions of democratization, four primary indices of democratization and one composite index were constructed for the period. Using the Taylor (1983) marginal conditions to gauge the contribution of external debt to the growth of the Nigerian economy, the study found that external debt is capable of playing a double edged sword on the performance of the economy. Positive contributions coincided with the periods when Nigeria's oil dominated foreign exchange revenues were robust, and/ or when debt management strategies were better articulated and vice versa. The analyses of the link between democratization and debt-led growth using both correlation and regression techniques, yielded different results in two definitional contexts of debt-led growth. When defined purely in terms of the Taylor marginal conditions for a positive contribution of debt to the economy of a borrowing nation, the results support the pessimist view that democratization impeded growth. On the contrary, when debt-led growth was defined in a broader sense to incorporate variables such as domestic savings and investment, foreign direct investments, public and private consumption and debt burden, there was strong evidence that debt-led growth performed beller at higher levels of democratization than other wise. The result using the narrow definition was found to be a direct consequence of the overriding influence of export performance in the Taylor conditions. With Nigeria's exports almost entirely dominated by extractive industry the result derived using the narrow definition confirmed the theoretical links between natural resource endowment and regime type on the one hand, and external capital and the nature of the host country 's industry on the other. In the first resource dependence allowed the political leadership to be more detached and less accountable to the electorate since they did not need to levy taxes. Secondly foreign investors concerned with security of their sunk investments in the extractive oil induslly in particular favoured continuity of powerfol regimes with less democratic content. In both findings one thing was common: democratization was associated more with those factors whose decreases affect growth positively than with those whose increases improve growth. The conclusion from this is that the impact of democratization is stronger with negative than with positive growth factors. In other words, while democratization may be supportive of growth its greater impact appears to be in limiting the factors that themselves limit growth. To benefit from the favourable impact of democratisation on debt-led growth therefore the study suggests that improvements in the democratisation process in Nigeria is needed It identifies political education as central to this improvement. A model is developed to show how improvements in the political institutional framework may trickle down, through an enabling environment that is capable of engendering growth-enhancing domestic and international responses to lead in the direction of debt-led growth.

This study is directed toward the relationship between population growth and socioeconomic development in Nigeria for the period 1960-1984. A controlled population growth would positively affect every segment of the economic and social environment. With hunger and starvation, disease, poverty and illiteracy plaguing large portions of the world, Nigeria's limited resources would best be utilized if shared among a smaller population, Nigeria, like other developing African countries, does not have an official population control policy. The diversity in the Nigerian culture, the controversial nature of the subject of population control, and possibly, implementation difficulties, account for the absence of a population control policy in Nigeria. This study offers in its concluding section some policy recommendations on how to tackle Nigeria's population problem.

This thesis attempts to analyze the military government's role in solving the country's agricultural problems. This analysis is essential because it was during the military's stay in power that Nigeria's potential as a selfsufficient and food exporting nation declined. Materials collected to analyze the above problems reveal that the military government's lack of adequate personnel to supervise and implement decisions taken on agriculture, unplanned schemes, and unresearched projects were partly responsible for the government's inability to solve Nigeria's agricultural problems. While it may be necessary to blame the military government for not being able to completely solve the country's numerous agricultural problems, the presence of global political and economic decisions seriously hampered measures taken by the military government.

No description available.

This thesis examines the social character of petroleum-related grassroots struggles in Nigeria’s oil-producing region. It does this against the background of the dominant scholarly narratives that portray the struggles as: a) a disguised pursuit of an ethnic/sectional agenda, b) a 'minority rights' project, and c) a minority province’s protest against 'selective' environmental 'victimisation' by the majority ethnic nationalities. While the dominant scholarly analyses of the struggles are based on the activities of the better known activist organisations operating in the oil region, this thesis focuses primarily on the everyday 'grammar' of discontent and lived worlds of ordinary people vis-à-vis upstream petroleum operations and petroleum resource utilisation. The aim has been to gain an understanding of the forces driving community struggles in the oil region and their wider societal significance. Examined alongside the narratives of ordinary people are the legal/institutional framework for upstream petroleum operations and the operational practices of the oil-producing companies. Using primary data obtained through ethnography, focus group discussions, in-depth interviews and visual sociology, as well as relevant secondary data, the researcher constructs a discourse matrix, showing how grassroots narratives in selected oilproducing communities intersect with contemporary civic discourses in the wider Nigerian context. The thesis highlights the theoretical and policy difficulties that arise when the social basis of petroleum-related grassroots struggles and ordinary people’s narratives are explained using an essentialist idiom. It reveals, above all, the conditions under which so-called 'locale-specific' struggles in a multi-ethnic, oil-rich African country can become a campaign for the emancipation of ordinary people in the wider society. This research extends the existing knowledge on citizen mobilisation, extractive capitalism, transnational corporate behaviour, and Nigeria’s contemporary development predicament. It sheds light on some of the processes through which ordinary people are forcing upon the state a change agenda that could drive the country along a more socially sensitive development and democratisation trajectory.

No description available.