This thesis analyses the Scottish Whig party between 1801 and 1820 with particular focus on party structure, organisation, and ideology. It seeks to provide a picture of the Scottish Whig party between these dates and to demonstrate that the party developed and maintained a sophisticated structure, cultivated an active and diverse body of members, and contributed to the intellectual development of the national Whig party. Chapter One explores the multiple opinions that existed within the Scottish Whigs on the issue of reform and how these ideas were disseminated in the press. Chapter Two discusses the fissures that existed within the Edinburgh Whigs and notes the generational gap which saw the younger Whigs compete with the older ones for pre-eminence within the party. Chapter Three extends this study beyond the confines of Edinburgh and examines the importance of a culture of conviviality to the party through a study of the dinners held throughout Scotland in honour of Charles James Fox. Extending beyond the urban centres, Chapter Four delves into the complexities of county politics in Scotland and the methods that the Whigs developed in order to overcome local challenges. Chapter Five explores the practical means by which the opposition party maintained itself, specifically through the patronage of university chairs and livings in the Church of Scotland. Through a brief exploration of the career of John Allen, Chapter Six discusses the importance of London and Holland House to the Scottish Whigs and provides suggestions for further research. Finally, it is asserted that, by the 1820s, a diverse and dynamic Scottish Whig party had emerged and was actively contributing to the national Whig party intellectually, by developing a 'new' Scottish Whiggism, and in terms of personnel. Throughout, this thesis demonstrates the flexibility of terms such as 'Whig' and 'Foxite principles' and argues for a broader interpretation of political activity and involvement as being vital to the study of early nineteenth-century politics.

Parte significativa dos escritos de Marx Engels sobre política internacional são marcados por uma dificuldade teórica, que não deixou de causar desconforto na própria tradição marxista: diante dos êxitos da contra-revolução após 1848, e de uma perspectiva revolucionária plasmada na crítica ao sistema internacional herdado do Congresso de Viena em 1815, as categorias centrais do materialismo hitórico pareciam perder capacidade de formulação política. Se o avanço da concorrência capitalista no mercado mundial possibilitava que as contradições sociais dos países mais avançados fossem universalizadas, por meio da universalização das relações de produção burguesas, o sistema internacional parecia atuar em sentido contrário, permitindo que os tempos sociais do atraso arbitrassem o ritmo das transformações políticas na Europa. Negada pelo sistema internacional, a marcha da história social em Marx e Engels dá lugar a uma teorização negativa. Suas categorias clássicas dão lugar a outras. Classes sociais cedem terreno, em Engels, aos povos sem história. Em Marx, a causalidade é substituída pela analogia; processos, por indivíduos; realidades sociais concretas, por encarnações abstratas. A contemporaneidade política de tempos sociais divergentes que caracteriza a complexa duração do absolutismo na Europa fornece o terreno em que os problemas da teorização negativa eclodem. O fato de que o Estado absolutista de tipo oriental por excelência, a Rússia czarista, pudesse de alguma forma empregar, por meio de sua diplomacia, a coerção de tipo feudal encarnada em sua própria formação para arbitrar o ritmo das revoluções burguesas no ocidente, em pleno século XIX, constitui a principal negatividade com que Marx e Engels se depararam ao pretenderem retomar a marcha revolucionária interrompida em 1815. / An important part of Marx and Engels\'s writings on international politics is characterized by a theoretical difficulty, one which has been the cause of significant uneasiness in the Marxist tradition itself. Faced with the strides of counter-revolution in Europe after 1848, and departing from a revolutionary standpoint centered on the criticism of the international system as set forth by the Vienna Congress in 1815, the core categories of dialectic materialism seemed to loose power of political formulation. If the advancement of capitalist competition in the world market was bound to universalize the social contradictions of the most advanced countries, by the universalization of bourgeois production, the international system, on the other hand, appeared as the medium by means of which the social temporalities of backwardness managed to impose themselves on the European political order. Denied by the international system, the march of social history in Marx and Engels gives room to the a negative theorization. Its classic categories give way to new ones. In Engels, social classes give way to nonhistorial peoples; in Marx, causality is replaced by analogy, processes by individuals, concrete social realities by abstract representations. The international coexistence of different political temporalities that characterizes the complex duration of absolutism in Europe sets the stage for the problems of the negative theorization. The fact that the most typical form of oriental absolutist State, czarist Russia, could successfully deploy its feudal coercion, through its diplomacy, to dictate the rhythm of bourgeois revolutions in the West in the nineteenth century constitutes the main negativity with which Marx and Engels are faced in their quest to resume historys course after its interruption in 1815.

Parte significativa dos escritos de Marx Engels sobre política internacional são marcados por uma dificuldade teórica, que não deixou de causar desconforto na própria tradição marxista: diante dos êxitos da contra-revolução após 1848, e de uma perspectiva revolucionária plasmada na crítica ao sistema internacional herdado do Congresso de Viena em 1815, as categorias centrais do materialismo hitórico pareciam perder capacidade de formulação política. Se o avanço da concorrência capitalista no mercado mundial possibilitava que as contradições sociais dos países mais avançados fossem universalizadas, por meio da universalização das relações de produção burguesas, o sistema internacional parecia atuar em sentido contrário, permitindo que os tempos sociais do atraso arbitrassem o ritmo das transformações políticas na Europa. Negada pelo sistema internacional, a marcha da história social em Marx e Engels dá lugar a uma teorização negativa. Suas categorias clássicas dão lugar a outras. Classes sociais cedem terreno, em Engels, aos povos sem história. Em Marx, a causalidade é substituída pela analogia; processos, por indivíduos; realidades sociais concretas, por encarnações abstratas. A contemporaneidade política de tempos sociais divergentes que caracteriza a complexa duração do absolutismo na Europa fornece o terreno em que os problemas da teorização negativa eclodem. O fato de que o Estado absolutista de tipo oriental por excelência, a Rússia czarista, pudesse de alguma forma empregar, por meio de sua diplomacia, a coerção de tipo feudal encarnada em sua própria formação para arbitrar o ritmo das revoluções burguesas no ocidente, em pleno século XIX, constitui a principal negatividade com que Marx e Engels se depararam ao pretenderem retomar a marcha revolucionária interrompida em 1815. / An important part of Marx and Engels\'s writings on international politics is characterized by a theoretical difficulty, one which has been the cause of significant uneasiness in the Marxist tradition itself. Faced with the strides of counter-revolution in Europe after 1848, and departing from a revolutionary standpoint centered on the criticism of the international system as set forth by the Vienna Congress in 1815, the core categories of dialectic materialism seemed to loose power of political formulation. If the advancement of capitalist competition in the world market was bound to universalize the social contradictions of the most advanced countries, by the universalization of bourgeois production, the international system, on the other hand, appeared as the medium by means of which the social temporalities of backwardness managed to impose themselves on the European political order. Denied by the international system, the march of social history in Marx and Engels gives room to the a negative theorization. Its classic categories give way to new ones. In Engels, social classes give way to nonhistorial peoples; in Marx, causality is replaced by analogy, processes by individuals, concrete social realities by abstract representations. The international coexistence of different political temporalities that characterizes the complex duration of absolutism in Europe sets the stage for the problems of the negative theorization. The fact that the most typical form of oriental absolutist State, czarist Russia, could successfully deploy its feudal coercion, through its diplomacy, to dictate the rhythm of bourgeois revolutions in the West in the nineteenth century constitutes the main negativity with which Marx and Engels are faced in their quest to resume historys course after its interruption in 1815.