The dissertation engages in a critical analysis of the involvement of the Brusselsbased European NGOs in European governance. It conducts a survey on the European Commission&rsquo / s relevant initiatives after the 1990s and interrogates the implications of these initiatives on one of the prominent European NGO network, the Social Platform of European NGOs. The common understanding conceives of these organizations as conducive to democratization of EU governance within the scope of participatory democracy. However, I endeavour to argue that the Commission has had an aim to make use of the civil society discourse for its institutional interests, while intentionally and unintentionally shaping (and reshaping) civic action in Europe. Participatory democracy project, which is promoted by the Commission, can be seen as a deliberate venture of shaping civic action and state-society relationships in Europe. With respect to this goal, it has encouraged the Social Platform to act like its interlocutor vis-&agrave / -vis the NGO community organised both at national and European level. Deriving from the Foucaultian concept of governmentality, I inquiry into the effects of this discourse on the Social Platform, which has been particularly created by the Commission to disperse the participatory democracy and good governance discourse in Europe.

This study has been inspired by the political events in the past few years that signalled a general decline, instead of consolidation, of democracy in South Africa. The decline has caused a rising trust deficit between the government and the citizens of South Africa. These events have raised questions of the role of the media in the consolidation of democracy. Katrin Voltmer's pioneering work, The Media in Transitional Democracies (2013) shines an important light in delineating the role of the media in transitions, including democratic consolidation. Much of the focus of scholastic research in the subject of media and democracy has been on news and journalistic content. Jurgen Habermas' seminal work, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (1989) also accorded more weight to the rational and cognitive, as opposed to the affective and emotive aspects of the media when arguing in favour of emancipatory potential of the public sphere. The rational and cognitive aspects are generally associated with news and journalistic content (McGuigan, 2005: 430). Unlike Habermas, this study follows the lead by scholars like Van Zoonen (2006) and McGuigan's (2005) interest in the popular entertainment content which has often been regarded as having little significance in politics, especially democracy. In its emphasis on the consolidation aspect of South African democratic transition, the study is conducted against the backdrop of the broader ‘third wave' transitions of the early 1990's (Huntington, 1991). The study's theoretical framework is aligned with Christians et al.'s (2009) revision of the Four Theories (Siebert, et al, 1956) of the press. Their approach is useful because of its normative strength that opens the possibilities of media roles in democratization. The normative approach allows a free exploration of the potential of the media, instead of restricting the media to the political systems within which they operate. In addition, it aligns itself to Jim McGuigan's theory of the cultural public sphere which highlights the often-ignored political potency of popular cultural texts in the public sphere. McGuigan (2005: 430) argues that the affective or emotive aspects of popular cultural texts enhance, rather than hinder, the quality of political engagement in the public sphere. Through entertainment television programmes, democratic ways of life can be portrayed as part of everyday, ordinary life (Stevenson, 2010: 276). Against the widely held expectation that the media should play a positive role in democracies, some scholars have noted that in reality, “this is not necessarily so” (Jebril, Stetka & Loveless, 2013: 3). Rather, the media can serve dictatorships as happily as they serve democracies (Voltmer, 2013: 23). Using the case studies of two soap operas of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), Muvhango and 7de Laan, the study explores the role of popular media in the enhancement or consolidation of democracy, and the circumstances under which this is carried out. The media of interest for this study is public service broadcasting (PSB). For most democracies of the third wave, especially in Africa, PSB has been an easy victim of political power. Because of its dependence on the state, PSB tends to be more susceptible to political interference than other media types. Like other PSBs, the SABC has clearly spelt-out objectives that are linked to the national developmental objectives, including the goal of promoting and deepening democracy. This connection makes it possible to evaluate the selected entertainment case studies against these objectives. The study uses Multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) because it allows for the analysis of text in its multimodal form such as visuals and audio. It equally allows for the application of analytical tools borrowed from film and television theories. By indirect measurement, MCDA model is used in the study to evaluate how democracy is represented (promoted, negated, omitted) in various aspects of the text.

The Master thesis Slovenian media system in comparison with Hallin's and Mancini's models tries to analyze the media system in Slovenia in order to conclude whether it can be classified into one of the models defined in the book Comparing media systems: three models of media and politics. The theoretical part deals with analysis of three models (polarized pluralist, democratic corporatist, liberal) and their main features. The second section then analyzes the various segments of the Slovenian media (print media, radio, television) and other aspects essential for comparative analysis, such as professionalism, regulation, media ownership and political parallelism. The paper seeks a critical evaluation of all these aspects and their inclusion in the broader context of media and all- society environment. Emphasis has been placed on the characteristics and trends typical of the Slovenian media system, in particular the consequences associated with "wild privatization" of the media and the subsequent interconnection of the world media and politics. Comparative part is based on the effort to determine whether these characteristics Slovenian media system fully belong to any of the presented models, or to what extent can similarities be regarded as significant.

Mens Rea is a figure of Criminal Law which is very difficult to determine, especially if it is intended to appreciate the intention that a person has while commiting a crime, as well as the difference between intent and guilt is not clear in many cases.For that reason, the author of this article explains different theories that aim to determine when intent exists. Some of these theories are centered in objective factors (normative), which come from the law; and other theories are centered in internal, subjective factors (psychological). Then, the author presents the problems that affect each of the mentioned theories and explains what should be taken into account to elaborate a more efficient theory of Mens Rea. / El dolo es una figura de difícil determinación en el Derecho Penal, en especial si se pretende valorar la intención que tiene una persona al momento de cometer un delito, así como la diferencia entre el dolo y la culpa no es clara en muchos casos.Por ese motivo, el autor del presente artículo explica distintas teorías que pretenden establecer cuándo existe dolo; algunas centradas en factores objetivos, provenientes de la norma (normativas); y otras orientadas a factores internos, subjetivos (psicológicas). Luego, plantea los problemas que afectan a cada una de las teorías planteadas y explica lo que se debería tomar en cuenta para elaboraruna teoría del dolo más eficiente.

This thesis is, in its theoretical part, focused on the concepts describing questions of normative theories of the press, public sphere and current journalist's position within the media organizations. Research part examines the factors influencing editors and their normative ideals about journalist profession. Through qualitative research we found the conclusions which represent personal, organizational and external factors influencing their work.

The Media High Council (MHC) was put in place by the 2003 constitution of the Republic of Rwanda as amended to today. As article 34 clarifies, the MHC is an independent institution which aims to address issues of media and press freedom. In the same spirit, the law number 30 /2009 of 16/9/2009 determines its mission, organisation and functioning. According to article 2 of this law, the Media High Council is responsible for protection, control and promotion of media and media professionals. Based on normative theories, qualitative methods and thematic analysis, this study has explored the policy formation of the Media High Council and how it has been balancing the seeming contradictory responsibilities of protecting and controlling media from 2007 to 2010. / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication)

Deux conceptions de la moralité dominent actuellement l’analyse des enjeux moraux internationaux : la moralité d’États et la moralité cosmopolitique. La première reconnaît les États comme unités fondamentales du système international et la seconde, celle des individus. Dans cette thèse, nous développons une conception différente de la moralité : l’approche du discours moral hégémonique. Notre objectif est de démontrer que celle-ci est plus à même d’expliquer et de comprendre la moralité dans le monde contemporain. Elle nous permet de mettre l’accent sur la progression d’un discours moral dominant ainsi que sur le rôle de ceux ayant contribué à son développement. Afin de faire une analyse critique de l’histoire dominante du discours moderne des droits, nous avons d’abord identifié deux caractéristiques fondamentales à ce discours : l’individualisme et l’universalisme. Ensuite, nous avons étudié leur reproduction dans le temps. Pour ce faire, les principales irrégularités de leur histoire au cours des siècles sont exposées ainsi qu’à deux moments distincts au cours du 20e siècle. Ce parcours nous a permis d’observer que malgré ses opposants, une certaine conception du discours des droits s’est internationalisée après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ensuite, une étude approfondie des débats entourant la rédaction de la Déclaration universelle de 1948 et celle de la Conférence de Vienne de 1993 démontre que cette conception des droits maintient sa position hégémonique à l’échelle internationale. Par conséquent, nous concluons sur la validité de l’approche du discours moral hégémonique pour comprendre la signification du discours moral des droits humains à l’échelle internationale. / Two conceptions of morality prevail in the analysis of current moral issues in international relations: the morality of states and the cosmopolitan morality. The first recognises the states as the fundamental units of the international system and the second, the individuals. In this thesis, we develop an alternative conception of morality: the moral hegemonic discourse approach. Our aim is to demonstrate that this perspective is better suited to explaining and understanding morality in the contemporary world. This allows us to emphasise the progression of a dominant moral discourse as well as the role of those who contributed to its development. In order to critically analyse the dominant history of the modern discourse of rights we first identified two of its fundamental characteristics: individualism and universalism. We then focused on their reproduction over time. To this end, the main irregularities of their history are exposed over the centuries and at two different points in the 20th century. Following these two steps, we observe that despite its opponents, a certain conception of the rights discourse internationalised itself in the aftermath of the Second World War. Second, a close study of the debates surrounding the writing of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights in 1948 and of the Vienna Conference in 1993 shows that this conception of rights maintained its hegemonic position at the international level. Therefore, we conclude on the validity of the moral hegemonic discourse approach to understand the significance of the rights discourse at the international level.

Deux conceptions de la moralité dominent actuellement l’analyse des enjeux moraux internationaux : la moralité d’États et la moralité cosmopolitique. La première reconnaît les États comme unités fondamentales du système international et la seconde, celle des individus. Dans cette thèse, nous développons une conception différente de la moralité : l’approche du discours moral hégémonique. Notre objectif est de démontrer que celle-ci est plus à même d’expliquer et de comprendre la moralité dans le monde contemporain. Elle nous permet de mettre l’accent sur la progression d’un discours moral dominant ainsi que sur le rôle de ceux ayant contribué à son développement. Afin de faire une analyse critique de l’histoire dominante du discours moderne des droits, nous avons d’abord identifié deux caractéristiques fondamentales à ce discours : l’individualisme et l’universalisme. Ensuite, nous avons étudié leur reproduction dans le temps. Pour ce faire, les principales irrégularités de leur histoire au cours des siècles sont exposées ainsi qu’à deux moments distincts au cours du 20e siècle. Ce parcours nous a permis d’observer que malgré ses opposants, une certaine conception du discours des droits s’est internationalisée après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ensuite, une étude approfondie des débats entourant la rédaction de la Déclaration universelle de 1948 et celle de la Conférence de Vienne de 1993 démontre que cette conception des droits maintient sa position hégémonique à l’échelle internationale. Par conséquent, nous concluons sur la validité de l’approche du discours moral hégémonique pour comprendre la signification du discours moral des droits humains à l’échelle internationale. / Two conceptions of morality prevail in the analysis of current moral issues in international relations: the morality of states and the cosmopolitan morality. The first recognises the states as the fundamental units of the international system and the second, the individuals. In this thesis, we develop an alternative conception of morality: the moral hegemonic discourse approach. Our aim is to demonstrate that this perspective is better suited to explaining and understanding morality in the contemporary world. This allows us to emphasise the progression of a dominant moral discourse as well as the role of those who contributed to its development. In order to critically analyse the dominant history of the modern discourse of rights we first identified two of its fundamental characteristics: individualism and universalism. We then focused on their reproduction over time. To this end, the main irregularities of their history are exposed over the centuries and at two different points in the 20th century. Following these two steps, we observe that despite its opponents, a certain conception of the rights discourse internationalised itself in the aftermath of the Second World War. Second, a close study of the debates surrounding the writing of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights in 1948 and of the Vienna Conference in 1993 shows that this conception of rights maintained its hegemonic position at the international level. Therefore, we conclude on the validity of the moral hegemonic discourse approach to understand the significance of the rights discourse at the international level.

The Media High Council (MHC) was put in place by the 2003 constitution of the Republic of Rwanda as amended to today. As article 34 clarifies, the MHC is an independent institution which aims to address issues of media and press freedom. In the same spirit, the law number 30 /2009 of 16/9/2009 determines its mission, organisation and functioning. According to article 2 of this law, the Media High Council is responsible for protection, control and promotion of media and media professionals. Based on normative theories, qualitative methods and thematic analysis, this study has explored the policy formation of the Media High Council and how it has been balancing the seeming contradictory responsibilities of protecting and controlling media from 2007 to 2010. / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication)