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This thesis concerns the practice of ‘psychogeography’ in London, England, and the ways in which psychogeographic writings provoke in city-dwellers an acute sense of disorientation, as though the everyday were otherworldly. My study is intended as a response to Guy Debord’s claim that ‘psychogeography’ investigates “the precise laws […] of the geographical environment” on “the emotions and behaviour of individuals” (Debord qtd. in Coverley 88): any revolutionary enterprise must point to the future, the very notion of which can only be imprecise and un-empirical – psychogeography is not necessarily an exception. I argue that for Alan Moore and Iain Sinclair, the psychogeographic imperative is rather to imagine the implosion of Londonscape as it is well known, since only spatial structures that thus unravel may offer mystical insights that are, as yet, unspoiled by neoliberal/Thatcherite politics and the accompanying ambition to re-vamp English history in a nostalgic light. This study presents psychogeography not simply as a strategy of political resistance but as a visceral and metaphysical experience; it draws upon SF theories of worlding and the philosophical notion of Dasein to address some concerns that have arisen in post-imperial Britain, such as the desire to define English identity, i.e., ‘Englishness.’ / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation studies Alan Moore’s and Iain Sinclair’s use of psychogeography to examine the city of London. Psychogeography is an implosive, fragmented writing style that estranges the meaning of the urban everyday. Subject to psychogeographic depiction, London becomes a city altogether foreign, if not to say fantastical. I argue that psychogeography is both a strategy of political resistance and a visceral experience – one that could influence common ways of reading English history and culture (i.e. ‘Englishness.’)

No / It's all long gone now...they've closed the shop on the corner of Athlone Street...it was a rough one with a pub on the corner...my dad ran it a long time ago...that time... Within the dominant biomedical discourse, late-life dementia is regarded as a pathological condition characterised by disorientation in time and space, word finding difficulties and 'problem behaviours' such as 'wandering' and 'repetitive questioning'. Once taken out of its biomedical straightjacket, however, dementia emerges as a condition which has much in common with the conscious projects of surrealist and situationist arts movements. This includes the subversion of the idea of time (and history) as linear, unidirectional progress. People diagnosed with dementia frequently state a desire to return (or indeed a fear of returning) to places from the past which no longer exist in physical space, but which remain real as remembered worlds and sources of nostalgia (literally 'the pain of returning'). These are also issues central to the field of psychogeography - an interdisciplinary approach to exploring the emotional and sensory impact of specific, particularly urban, locations. Informed by the work of poets such as Blake, Baudelaire, and Rimbaud, as theorised by, for example, Walter Benjamin and Guy Debord, psychogeography privileges undirected 'wandering' through its emphasis on concepts such as the flaneur, and the dérive (or 'drift'). In this paper, such concepts will be used as a way of exploring the spatio-temporal experiences of people with dementia, using extracts from film and narrative life stories.

Yes / With a long history and strong culinary heritage, time-honored restaurants are often associated with the phenomenon of nostalgia. However, research on nostalgia and nostalgic experiences in time-honored restaurants is largely absent. This study built a framework for nostalgic experiences to understand nostalgia triggers as antecedents and consumers’ revisit intention as the outcome. A survey of 366 residents in Beijing and Shanghai, China, revealed that nostalgia triggered by food and service staff significantly evoked consumers’ memories, and the food and restaurant environment stimulated the communitas component of nostalgic experiences. Memory had a positive effect on both communitas and positive emotions, while communitas had a positive effect on positive emotions. Finally, positive emotions resulted in significantly increased revisit intention.

Halloween arrived in the United States in the mid-nineteenth century with the surge in immigration from the British Isles — especially Ireland. However, the folk holiday did not gain widespread attention until the late 1870s and 1880s when descriptive pieces containing both accounts of Halloween's long history increasingly appeared in some newspapers and periodicals. Over the next couple decades, these descriptive pieces became more prescriptive, instructing women how to throw a "proper" Halloween party; what food to serve, games to play, and atmosphere to evoke. By the turn of the twentieth century and up through the 1920s, the middle-to-upper class — specifically women — adopted the holiday all across the country and characterized it with parties, decorative displays, and the propagation of literature, imagery, and ephemera. Since Halloween had existed as an ethnic folk tradition in America for several decades, why and how did this particular group of Americans adopt — and adapt — Halloween to meet their needs? Which Halloween traditions did they retain and how did they shape the holiday for their own purposes? Finally, how did this particular celebration of Halloween reflect the interplay of certain values among these celebrants through literature, imagery, and ephemera? This study of Halloween asks what the celebration of holidays and rituals can tell us about the culture in which they are celebrated. By employing a method which gives equal weight to historical context, audience, and imagery, we gain valuable insight about the stratum of American society which made Halloween an American tradition. / Master of Arts / Until the late nineteenth century, Halloween in the United States amounted to barely anything more than a couple informational inches of column space in October newspapers. By the 1920s, however, full-page advice pieces for Halloween parties and advertisements for themed costumes, decorations, and food were not only in newspapers, but magazines and catalogs as well. Overwhelmingly thanks to white, middle-to-upper-class women, Halloween had transformed from a foreign, ethnic folk holiday of Ireland and the British Isles to an annual, widespread American tradition. These people embraced Halloween as an occasion to both celebrate the imagined simplicity of a shared ancestral past and take advantage of the modern industrial and commercial boom that would fuel the mass production of Halloween-themed goods and novelties. This thesis examines newspapers, magazines, postcards, and a line of holiday catalogs to show how the text and imagery of Halloween products successfully integrated conflicting values and secured the holiday a place in the American seasonal canon.

A pesquisa tem como questão principal qual o significado dos bailes negros para São Paulo e para a problemática urbana. O baile, enquanto significante inscrito no espaço-tempo da metrópole, carrega quais significados para os seus frequentadores, para quem não frequenta, para quem pensa em saídas para esse (re)produzir desumano da cidade? Diante desta pergunta, a partir do método de análise progressivo-regressivo proposto por Henri Lefebvre, utilizando-se de pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevistas, observações de campo e coleta de materiais a discussão inicia-se a partir do baile nostalgia, manifestação cultural contemporânea dos bailes negros. Partindo do baile nostalgia, a pesquisa foi conduzida por toda a trajetória da relação da população negra com os bailes desde o pós-abolição, em que três períodos com características específicas foram categorizados: os bailes negros, do pós-abolição ao ano de 1958; os bailes black, de 1958 até 1994; e os atuais bailes nostalgia, de 1995 até 2016, ano privilegiado nas observações de campo e entrevista. Os bailes foram compreendidos como uma forma de encontro com conteúdos ligados às lutas, às resistências e ao vivido da população negra em São Paulo em articulação com o processo de produção deste espaço urbano, que se faz de forma desigual socialmente e racializada. Entre estes conteúdos estão a produção de uma vida pública na cidade, a relação centro-periferia que se configura no meio do século XX e a memória corporal, coletiva e política dos negros em um contexto em que a reprodução do espaço se faz produzindo espaços amnésicos e uma sociabilidade de tempo efêmero, que atinge diretamente os referenciais de identidade e vida da população paulistana. Os significados dos bailes negros para São Paulo, então, são diversos, tecidos em uma trama na qual a rede negra se faz e refaz tendo o baile como um de seus nós. Os bailes significam, para negros, brancos e pobres também um viver a cidade na contra-lógica da reprodução do espaço sob a lógica capitalista que nega a vida constantemente em favor da superação crítica de suas inerentes crises de reprodução. / The research has, as its main question, what is the meaning of \"bailes negros\" for São Paulo and urban problematic. The baile (ball) while a signifier enrolled in the space-time of the metropolis carries what meanings to its attendants, to those who do not attend, to those who think of exits for this inhuman (re) production of the city? Based on the method of progressive-regressive analysis proposed by Henri Lefebvre, using bibliographical research, interviews, field observations and material collection, the discussion begins with the baile nostalgia, a contemporary cultural manifestation of the bailes negros. Starting from the baile nostalgia, the research was conducted through the whole trajectory of the relation of the black population to the dances since post-abolition, in which three periods with specific characteristics were categorized: the bailes negros, since abolition of slavery till 1958; the bailes black, from 1958 to 1994; and the current bailes nostalgia, from 1995 to 2016, principal year in the field observations and interviews. The dances were understood as a form of encounter with contents related to the struggles, resistances and experienced of the black population in São Paulo in articulation with the process of production of this urban space, which is done in a socially and racialized unequal way. Among these contents are the production of a public life in the city, the center-periphery relationship that is set in the middle of the twentieth century and the corporal, collective and political memory of blacks in a context in which the reproduction of space is done producing amnesic spaces and an ephemeral sociability of time, which directly affects the identity and life referents of the population of São Paulo. The meanings of the bailes negros for São Paulo, then, are diverse, woven into a plot in which the black net is made and remakes having the ball as one of its nodes. The dances mean, for blacks, whites and poor people, to live the city in the counter-logic of the reproduction of space under the capitalist logic that denies life constantly in favor of the critical overcoming of its inherent crises of reproduction.

A pesquisa tem como questão principal qual o significado dos bailes negros para São Paulo e para a problemática urbana. O baile, enquanto significante inscrito no espaço-tempo da metrópole, carrega quais significados para os seus frequentadores, para quem não frequenta, para quem pensa em saídas para esse (re)produzir desumano da cidade? Diante desta pergunta, a partir do método de análise progressivo-regressivo proposto por Henri Lefebvre, utilizando-se de pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevistas, observações de campo e coleta de materiais a discussão inicia-se a partir do baile nostalgia, manifestação cultural contemporânea dos bailes negros. Partindo do baile nostalgia, a pesquisa foi conduzida por toda a trajetória da relação da população negra com os bailes desde o pós-abolição, em que três períodos com características específicas foram categorizados: os bailes negros, do pós-abolição ao ano de 1958; os bailes black, de 1958 até 1994; e os atuais bailes nostalgia, de 1995 até 2016, ano privilegiado nas observações de campo e entrevista. Os bailes foram compreendidos como uma forma de encontro com conteúdos ligados às lutas, às resistências e ao vivido da população negra em São Paulo em articulação com o processo de produção deste espaço urbano, que se faz de forma desigual socialmente e racializada. Entre estes conteúdos estão a produção de uma vida pública na cidade, a relação centro-periferia que se configura no meio do século XX e a memória corporal, coletiva e política dos negros em um contexto em que a reprodução do espaço se faz produzindo espaços amnésicos e uma sociabilidade de tempo efêmero, que atinge diretamente os referenciais de identidade e vida da população paulistana. Os significados dos bailes negros para São Paulo, então, são diversos, tecidos em uma trama na qual a rede negra se faz e refaz tendo o baile como um de seus nós. Os bailes significam, para negros, brancos e pobres também um viver a cidade na contra-lógica da reprodução do espaço sob a lógica capitalista que nega a vida constantemente em favor da superação crítica de suas inerentes crises de reprodução. / The research has, as its main question, what is the meaning of \"bailes negros\" for São Paulo and urban problematic. The baile (ball) while a signifier enrolled in the space-time of the metropolis carries what meanings to its attendants, to those who do not attend, to those who think of exits for this inhuman (re) production of the city? Based on the method of progressive-regressive analysis proposed by Henri Lefebvre, using bibliographical research, interviews, field observations and material collection, the discussion begins with the baile nostalgia, a contemporary cultural manifestation of the bailes negros. Starting from the baile nostalgia, the research was conducted through the whole trajectory of the relation of the black population to the dances since post-abolition, in which three periods with specific characteristics were categorized: the bailes negros, since abolition of slavery till 1958; the bailes black, from 1958 to 1994; and the current bailes nostalgia, from 1995 to 2016, principal year in the field observations and interviews. The dances were understood as a form of encounter with contents related to the struggles, resistances and experienced of the black population in São Paulo in articulation with the process of production of this urban space, which is done in a socially and racialized unequal way. Among these contents are the production of a public life in the city, the center-periphery relationship that is set in the middle of the twentieth century and the corporal, collective and political memory of blacks in a context in which the reproduction of space is done producing amnesic spaces and an ephemeral sociability of time, which directly affects the identity and life referents of the population of São Paulo. The meanings of the bailes negros for São Paulo, then, are diverse, woven into a plot in which the black net is made and remakes having the ball as one of its nodes. The dances mean, for blacks, whites and poor people, to live the city in the counter-logic of the reproduction of space under the capitalist logic that denies life constantly in favor of the critical overcoming of its inherent crises of reproduction.