Orientador: Claudio Henrique de Moraes Batalha / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-27T03:08:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sales_JeanRodrigues_M.pdf: 16493019 bytes, checksum: 06c795e4f01d860955da640aa06e6ff6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2000 / Resumo: o objetivo desta pesquisa é o de discutir alguns elementos da trajetória histórica do Partido Comunista do Brasil entre 1962 e 1976. A análise está voltada para o entendimento de duas questões principais: as propostas teóricas e a prática política. Esta história partidária é entendida através de sua inserção na conjuntura mais ampla da década de sessenta e, do mesmo modo, de seu relacionamento com os outros grupos da esquerda brasileira e com as correntes do comunismo internacional / Abstract: This research aimsto discuss some elements ofthe historical development ofthe Communist Party ofBrazil between 1962 and 1976. This analysis is focused on two main questions: its theorical proposals and its politicalpraxis. This party history must be understood ftom the standpoint of the political situation during the sixties and the relationship between the Party and other Brasilian left-wing groups and the international streams of communism / Mestrado / Mestre em História

Orientador: Octavio Ianni / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Os exemplares do AEL pertence a Coleção CPDS / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T01:50:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Groppo_LuisAntonio_D.pdf: 50728370 bytes, checksum: 739d35da400820d99ed71eb04f8968c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2000 / Resumo: Os movimentos estudantis dos anos 1960, em destaque o ano de 1968, podem ser considerados uma "onda mundial de revoltas". .l / Abstract: 'lhe student movements of 1960's, 1968 in special, can be considered a "woddwide wave of revolts". Analy:.::ingin point of view of a broad and heterogeneous front of rebellions, the movements sho~" the "young' component of their members with the principal common denominator of this worldwide wave. The worl~'Íde wave of revolts was, in the same time, an multiple movement possible for changes caused by globalization and a reaction against the way prevailing delineate for this "global civilization". It rebdled against the dominant ideology, a globali:.::ationeven in groundwork, certainly. 'lhe movements propose a miscellany of other values, skills, ideas and ideologies coming of the many fonts, times and spaces (agglutinated in the ideologies of the 'lhird-wodd, new lcfts and conttacultures). 'lhe movements won over victories in the field of the bchavior, chict1y, that capitalism and market's institutions absorved. Maybe "beaten", the worldwide wave inscribed severe impressions in the new civilization. It collaborated to a cleanliness of traditional values that, in the heart of the new civilization in groundwork, jammed the consumerist style of life, the logical of the instrumental reason and the controls of the technocracies. The wave looked for more what the dominant globalization proposed: quality, new ways of consciences and rationality, real experiences of the alternative, heterodoxies and liberty for the bchavior and creation versusquantity, pragmatism, simulacrums of the alternative, bipolari:.::ationideological of Cold War, free market and mass culture from great media. But, in the same time, this woddwide wave had in its heart sttong limits, dilemmas and contradictions that help to make its own dispersion - limits that were in the same time your richness: heterogeneity, idealism, resolute activism, juvenility and experimental relation vv~ththe reality / Doutorado / Doutor em Sociologia

Orientador: Edgar Salvadori De Decca / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-31T15:28:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cunha_MariadeFatimada_D.pdf: 13246205 bytes, checksum: e676ae3530d5301102ac646bd56326f5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2002 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed. / Doutorado / Doutor em História

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-09-12Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:11:08Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 magalhaes_sm_me_mar.pdf: 602801 bytes, checksum: 83c83b4d66ce66ce7efd4fa80d2aa14b (MD5) / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a reflexão empreendida por Hannah Arendt (1906-1975) acerca dos fenômenos do poder e da violência, bem como sua crítica à Nova Esquerda , crítica essa que se apresenta de forma sistematizada em seu ensaio Sobre a violência, de 1969. A distinção entre poder e violência constitui-se, pois, em tema central do pensamento político da autora, que teve como motivação para sua reflexão a Rebelião Estudantil de 1968, a guerra do Vietnã e o papel da violência no âmbito da Nova Esquerda. Com efeito, o poder, para Arendt, é inerente a toda comunidade política e resulta da capacidade de agir conjuntamente. Por outro lado, a violência, que é instrumental, se funda na categoria meio-fim, e quando recobrada no âmbito do político é responsável por fazer desaparecer o poder. Portanto, poder e violência são assuntos opostos: quando um se afirma absoluto, o outro desaparece. Do contato com o pensamento de Arendt, percebemos que seu conceito de poder foi forjado tendo como referência a tradição da polis grega, a qual, no entendimento de Arendt, lança luzes sobre a derrocada dos valores da política moderna, bem como sobre a necessidade de resgatar a diferença entre as esferas pública e privada para fazer emergir o fenômeno originariamente político. Confrontando suas idéias com as de outros autores, consideramos que a análise de Arendt sobre o poder transcende completamente as relações conflituosas constitutivas da vida política e suas instituições tradicionais. Além disso, a rejeição da ação radical da Nova Esquerda, por esta autora, em grande medida parece engrossar o coro que recusa e rechaça a utopia, que significa, no contexto do “fim da ideologia”, a negação da perspectiva socialista em favor, mais uma vez, da “democracia” e do “pluralismo” norte-americanos. / The aim of this paper is to analyze the reflexion undertaken by Hannah Arendt (1906-1975) on the phenomena of power and violence as well as her critique of the New Left, which is presented systematically in her essay On Violence (1969). The distinction between power and violence thus comprises a central theme in her political thought, which has had as a motivation for her reflexion the Student Rebellion of 1968, the Vietnam war and the role of violence within the New Left. Indeed, the power, on Arendt's account, is inherent to every political community and it is a result of the ability to act jointly. Furthermore, the violence, that is instrumental, is based upon the means-end category and whenever stablished within the political sphere becomes responsible for causing the power to vanish. Therefore, power and violence are opposite subjects: as one becomes absolute, the other vanishes. By being in touch with Arendt's thinking we come to realize that her innovative concept of power has been forged having as reference the tradition of Greek polis, which, from Arendt's understanding, casts light on the defeat of the values of the modern Politics, as well as on the need of restoring the difference between public and private spheres to cause the originally political phenomenom to emerge. By putting her thoughts with those of other authors, we consider that Arednt's analysis of power goes completely beyond the conflicting constituents of political life and its traditional institutions. Moreover, the rejection of the extreme action of the New Left, by the author, largely seems to reinforce the chorus that refuses and rejects the utopia, which means, in the end of ideology context, the negation of the socialist perspective in behalf, once again, of the American democracy and pluralism.

Orientadores: Claudio Henrique de Moraes Batalha, Serge Wolikow / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T11:05:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sales_JeanRodrigues_D.pdf: 1420159 bytes, checksum: a41a447a629b550f4035205bfb457c2c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: O objetivo principal desta tese é analisar as relações entre as esquerdas comunistas brasileiras e a revolução cubana entre 1959 e 1974. Trata-se de entender em que medida essa revolução influenciou o debate ideológico dos comunistas brasileiros e quais os desdobramentos para as suas formulações teóricas e prática política. A conclusão geral é a de que o processo revolucionário cubano esteve presente, sobretudo, no debate a respeito da definição da luta armada contra a ditadura militar e na adoção da bandeira do socialismo por uma parte dessa esquerda. Foi importante ainda na crise que se abateu após 1964 sobre as organizações que já existiam antes do golpe militar, que vieram a se fragmentar e dar origem a diversos grupos da Esquerda Revolucionária / Abstract: The main objective of the present thesis is to analyze the relationships between the Brazilian communist leftist movements and the Cuban revolution between 1959 and 1974. We aim at understanding how far that revolution influenced the ideological debate of the Brazilian communists and the consequences for its theoretical formulations and the political practice. The general conclusion is that the Cuban revolutionary process was mainly present in the debate on the definition of the armed resistance to the military dictatorship and the adoption of socialism by a part of that leftist movement. It was further important during the crisis that took place after 1964 among those organizations that had existed before the military coup, which then fragmented and gave birth to several groups of the Revolutionary Left / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutor em História