This report is a journalistic work, a long-form magazine style article representing in-depth reporting on a single topic. With the planned expansion of coal facilities, and increasing acknowledgement of the reality of climate change, some environmentalists are reversing their stance on nuclear energy. The industry itself promises a new kind of nuke, with none of the safety shortcomings and budget overruns that halted expansion in the 1970s. The planned expansion of the South Texas nuclear facility in Bay City has brought Texas to the forefront of a national debate about the viability of a nuclear future for America’s energy policy, especially as cost overruns threaten to seriously interfere with the project. Austin itself, burned once by the South Texas Project, has sworn not to be involved, but the city's green image could be tarnished by its continued reliance on coal power. Many other environmental groups continue to insist that solar and wind power are better alternatives. Once politically untouchable, nuclear power is again a contentious issue and Texas, with its long history of fortunes made and lost in energy, is again at the head of a potential revolution in the field. / text

Energy policies which maintain and extend nuclear energy are often opposed by anti-nuclear movements. Ambitious plans for developing nuclear energy in Russia, constructing a first nuclear plant in Poland, and lifting the ban on nuclear energy while allowing the replacement of old reactors in Sweden are examples of such energy policies. In contrast to the massive anti-nuclear movements of 1970-1990s, recent anti-nuclear movements are not organized as national protest campaigns. This thesis examines repertoires of anti-nuclear movements in the alleged “Nuclear Renaissance” period.   Repertoires of anti-nuclear actions are analyzed from the perspective of discursive and political opportunities of anti-nuclear movements. Discursive opportunities are enabled or hindered in the ordering of nuclear energy discourses, making messages and actions of social movements legitimate or illegitimate. While discourses of anti-nuclear movements are complex, official discourses of nuclear energy featuring arguments about profitability, energy security and environmental security in connection to nuclear energy development, resonate more with broader socio-political developments. Ordering of discourses is established in such a way that expert rhetoric becomes a standard approach for discussing nuclear energy, while references to emotions and subjective matters are unacceptable. Political contexts of anti-nuclear movements provide opportunities for environmental NGOs, one kind of actor in anti-nuclear movements, to pursue nonconfrontational strategies and engage in institutional channels, where they can contribute their expert knowledge. Concurrently, another actor in anti-nuclear movements, local anti-nuclear groups, on the one hand, share argumentative structures with environmental NGOs, and, on the other hand, attempt to mobilize local population and organize local protests. Due to limited opportunities for attention from the national media and focus on local issues, local protests are not featured in the national media, which is crucial for national protest actions. The differences in repertoires between these two kinds of actors and absence of actors opting for mass engagement provide insight into repertoires of anti-nuclear movements as a whole. This thesis demonstrates how discursive opportunities of social movements, which result from competing discourses of movements and their counter-agents, and political opportunities structure repertoires of actions of these movements. / Energipolitik som upprätthåller och utökar användandet av kärnkraft motarbetas ofta av antikärnkrafts­rörelser. Exempel på sådan energipolitik är de ambitiösa planerna på att utveckla kärnkraft i Ryssland, att bygga ett första kärnkraftverk i Polen, och att häva förbudet mot kärnkraft samt möjliggöra utbyte av gamla reaktorer i Sverige. I motsats till de massiva antikärnkraftsrörelserna under 1970-1990, är de nya rörelserna inte organiserade som nationella protestkampanjer. Denna avhandling undersöker vilka olika handlingssätt antikärnkrafts­rörelserna i den påstådda "Nuclear Renaissance"-perioden använder. Antikärnkraftsrörelsernas olika sätt att agera analyseras ur diskursiva och politiska möjligheter. Diskurser av antikärnkraftsrörelser är komplexa, när officiella diskurser om kärnkraft möter argument om lönsamhet, energisäkerhet och miljösäkerhet i samband med kärnkraft utveckling, anknyter den mer till en bredare socio-politiska utveckling. Diskurser etableras på ett sådant sätt att expertretorik blir en standardiserad metod för att diskutera kärnkraft, medan hänvisningar till känslor och subjektiva frågor är oacceptabla. Det politiska sammanhanget ger möjligheter till miljöorganisationer, en typ av aktör inom anti­kärnkrafts­rörelsen, att bedriva nonconfrontational strategier och engagera sig via institutionella kanaler, där de kan bidra med sin sakkunskap. Samtidigt som en annan aktör, lokal antikärnkrafts­grupper, å ena sidan dela argument med miljöorganisationer, men å andra sidan försök att mobilisera lokalbefolkningen och anordna lokala protester. Eftersom lokala protester inte visas i nationella medier får de begränsade möjligheter till medial uppmärksamhet, något som är avgörande för nationella protestaktioner. Skillnaderna i sätt att agera mellan dessa två typer av aktörer och frånvaro av aktörer som väljer massengagemang ger insikt i de olika handlingssätt som används av antikärnkraftsrörelser som helhet.

近年來，在全球氣候變遷與化石燃料價格高漲的影響之下，節能減碳成了各國政府能源政策的圭臬。正因如此，核能重新被視為一種可行的替代能源，獲得長足的發展。但這股核能復興潮並沒有持續太久，2011年日本福島核事故的發生，使全球核能產業陷入了新一波的低潮。這場核能浩劫，與25年前在前蘇聯發生的車諾比核事故如出一轍，都影響了許多國家在核能政策上的選擇。 本研究針對俄羅斯核能產業之發展進行探討，以了解其核能利用上的立場及發展策略。特別是在2011年日本福島核災後，俄羅斯在核能政策上是否有所轉變。值得注意的是，俄羅斯國家原子能公司(Rosatom)，作為國營之核能企業，展現了其企圖心，矢言成為新一代的全球核能復興先驅。 本研究認為，俄羅斯仍不會放棄核能的利用，而且也將持續進行核能復興的政策路線，尋求擴大在全球核電市場上的影響力。核能對俄羅斯而言，除了經濟方面的利益外，同時也兼具了政治、能源安全上的意涵。除非未來科技進步，足以發展出一種高效率同時兼顧生態發展的發電方式，否則近期內俄羅斯的核能發展現狀將不會有太大的改變。 / In recent years, under the influence of global climate change and high fossil fuel prices, carbon reduction has become a model as energy policy for many governments. Because of that, nuclear energy was re-considered a viable alternative energy source, and developed rapidly. But this trend of "nuclear renaissance" did not last too long, due to Fukushima nuclear accident in Japan in 2011, the global nuclear industry fell into another serious decline. Just like Chernobyl nuclear accident that occurred 25 years ago in former Soviet Union, This nuclear catastrophe have affected many countries in nuclear energy policies. In this study, we discussed the development of Russia's nuclear industry in order to understand its position on nuclear energy and development strategies. Particularly, we would like to see if there is a significant change in Russia's nuclear energy policy after Fukushima nuclear disaster in 2011. It is noteworthy that the State Atomic Energy Corporation Rosatom, as a state-owned nuclear company, demonstrated its ambition, and vowed to be a pioneer of global nuclear renaissance in a whole new era. In this study, we concluded that Russia will not give up nuclear energy, but also continue its nuclear renaissance energy policy routes, seeking to expand influence in the global nuclear power market. In addition to economic benefits, for Russia, nuclear energy also means both the political and energy security implications. Unless the technological progress in the future that is enough to develop a high-efficiency and ecological way of power generation, otherwise, Russia's nuclear energy development situation will not have a significant change in the near term.

The objective of the thesis is to characterize the nuclear energy in the european area with the focus on nuclear energy in France. The sector of nuclear energy is now experiencing a new period, so-called "nuclear renaissance". Many european countries decided to rebuild the present nuclear power sites or to construct new ones. Nuclear energy is the most advantageous solutions for many european countries because it decreases external energy dependence and it helps to diminish the carbon dioxide emissions. In the connection with the Czech Presidency in the European Union, it was made proposal for the "Nuclear Security Community" which has to unify the security level of member states of the EU and to intensify the mutual cooperation in the domain of nuclear energy. France represents world nuclear leader thanks to efficiently operating oragnizations, excellent results in nuclear research, realization of nuclear fuel recycling and strong government support. Nucler energy in France can serve as an example for four recommendations to other european countries: government support, efficiently working research institutions, global cooperation between all subjects participating on the formation of nuclear energy and active involvement in the international cooperation in nuclear energy. In spite of constantly high initial investment in construction of nuclear power sites, the nuclear energy seems to experience a positive future.