Magister Commercii (Information Management) - MCom(IM) / The development of the Internet and other information and communication technologies (ICT) in recent decades represents a material foundation for a networked society and the emergence of new economies (Knowledge Society) and is now directly affecting individuals and whole societies. ICT is now an indisputable component of addressing the major issues of equity, sustainability and global competitiveness. Being still in its early developmental phase in many developing countries (such as South Africa), Knowledge Society requires profoundly new ways of thinking, working and living, which includes building of new capacities for the entire nation. These capacities are inter alia inevitably associated with the use of ICT and are often referred to as e-skills. These skills broadly described as the ability to develop and use ICT to adequately participate in an environment increasingly dominated by access to electronically enabled information and a well-developed ability to synthesise this into effective and relevant knowledge. In order to address a considerable deficiency in e-skills (estimated shortage of 70000 e-skilled people), the South African government through the Department of Communication has established the e-Skills Institute (e-SI) with the mandate to concentrate on the development of adequate skills to allow its citizens to improve their capacities to use all forms of ICT at work, in their education, in their personal lives and in their governance. In this regard, the e-SI is also responsible for creating appropriate policies which should be linked to other relevant national (e.g. Medium Term Strategic Framework (MTSF), 2009 – 2014) and international (e.g. UN Millennium Development Goals - MDGs) developmental strategies. However, while participating in the development of the current national e-skills policy (the National e-Skills Plan of Action – NeSPA1), the author realised that there were not readily available guidelines or frameworks that could advise policy development in this area. It seems that much space in the policy development is left to the policy-makers own values, experience, expertise, judgement, the influence of lobbyists and pressure groups, pragmatism, or based on the resources available, than on evidence. Thus, this study set the following objectives:  To understand the theoretical and contextual background of policy-making;  To explore existing policy-making frameworks that might be relevant to e-skills policy-making;  To identify and classify e-skills related elements obtained from pertinent literature;  To verify these policy-making elements by interviewing experienced policy-makers in the fields of ICT and e-skills;  To suggest a framework for e-skills policy-making in the South African developmental context; and  To explain the use of the elements within the proposed e-skills policy-making framework. These objectives were achieved by reviewing the pertinent literature, which led to the construction of the conceptual model for e-skills policy-making in South Africa. This model consists of eight elements: (i) Context-related awareness, (ii) Collaborative e-skills ecology, (iii) Excellence education for all, (iv) Futures of ICT capabilities and knowledge infrastructure, (v) Research and development, (vi) Cost and affordability, (vii) E-inclusion and (viii) Monitoring and evaluation. This model was subsequently empirically tested using the Interpretive hermeneutic research approach by interviewing a number of policy-makers in the fields of e-skills or broader field of ICT policy-making. The empirical findings confirmed validity of the above e-skills policy-making elements but also elicited two new elements: (ix) Integration and systemic approach and (x) Aggregation. Consequently, these elements were assembled together into a framework for e-skills policy-making in South Africa. In order to make the proposed e-skills policy-making framework operational, the next step of this study was to relate this framework to the policy-making processes. This was done by positioning elements of e-skills policy-making framework within the EU "Policy making 3.0" process model. The main contribution of this study is seen in the fact that it brings a novel e-skills policy-making framework particularly design for the South African context but keeping in mind that it can possibly be used in other similar developing countries. Theoretically, this study has added to the academic understanding of significance of certain concepts for e-skills policy-making derived from the pertinent literature but also those identified empirically by this research. Now this study can be used for a practical implementation and also as a base for further academic research. This study also has some limitations mainly seen through a fairly small research sample caused by absence or unavailability of experienced policy-makers. However, it is believed that this limitation did not limit validity of results and the practical and academic contribution of this study.

Numerous studies have been undertaken on the political economy of agricultural policies in developing countries. These studies have explained agricultural policies in terms of urban bias, economic reforms, and domestic politics. Recently, the emphasis has been on explanations that reference the existence of a rational-legal and patronage element within the African state. Such explanations tend to underplay the extent to which agricultural policies are devised in a context of power asymmetries between the state and international donors or financial institutions. In the Malawian context specifically, limited attention has been paid to the possibility that policies are a negotiated outcome of interactions informed by competing objectives at the state-donor interface. Accordingly, the proposed study will attempt to fill this existing gap in the literature. Malawi is currently at the center of policy debates regarding the state’s capacity to launch a uniquely African Green Revolution within a marketized and capitalist configuration. Such debates mark the continued underinvestment in agriculture on the African continent. The Malawi case, therefore, provides a unique opportunity to explore the extent to which state level efforts are either confounded or enabled by donors and international financial institutions. The specific successes and failures of the Malawi case speak to the question of how other countries in Sub-Saharan Africa might successfully address food production and food security issues. This dissertation will explore the overarching question of the role of the state and international donors in shaping agricultural and food security policies using Malawi’s farm input subsidy program as a case study. The main research methods to explore this question are qualitative, including interviews with various development stakeholders (government ministries, international development agencies, researchers from policy research and academic institutions, and civil society organizations) associated with agriculture and food policy-making, and textual analysis of publications associated with them. The research specifically targets key experts in the area of agriculture and food security. The findings indicate that policies have been greatly influenced by the competing ideologies of the state and donors, with each recognizing the problem but differing on the approach and modalities for solving food insecurity in Malawi. To this extent, there has been considerable inconsistency in policies with obvious negative outcomes. More recently, there has been an aligning of policy positions towards the use of social welfare programs and commercialization in addressing food insecurity. This alignment relates to policy positions on both the FISP and the configuration of the wider agricultural sector as manifest in the National Agricultural Policy, for example. The role of domestic politics vs. donors in policy processes has been in flux due to changes in the political and economic environment and configuration at specific junctures. The study also finds that evidence has been important in informing policy-making, more importantly, finance has had significant impact in attenuating the influence of domestic politics, so that the recently proposed and implemented reforms to FISP, although connected to considerable sociopolitical pressure from various quarters, have been largely precipitated by a serious fiscal crisis on the part of the government. To this extent, the state has assumed a pragmatic approach to policy-making i.e., one that is cognizant of the limitations imposed by finance and Malawi’s very harsh, challenging, and complex context.

The research reports on an ethnographic study undertaken at Kingswood, a secondary school in the North West of England, during a period of rapid reform within educational policy-making in England. The research project sets out to offer an empirical account of localised policy-making and a conceptual analysis as to how and why different social actors within and connected to the school are positioned and position-take in response to the schools’ localised development trajectory. In order to do this, the study operationalises Bourdieu’s thinking tools of field, capital and habitus as a means of theorising the complex relationship between structure and agency in the processes of localised policy-making. In order to present a detailed analysis of the positioning and position-taking I develop and deploy the conceptualisation of the neoliberal policy complex. I use this to describe and understand how the political and economic fields of production penetrate localised decision-making in which the connected agendas of performativity and accountability frame much of the localised policy processes at the research site. The neoliberal policy complex is defined by an on-going and increased commitment to legislative interventions, not least through an approach to the modernisation of public service in which autonomy and diversification are hailed as hallmarks for success. Drawing on data collected in a year long embedded study, from interviews and, observations with 18 students, five parents, 21 teachers, and seven school leaders, and documentary analysis, it is argued that within this neoliberal policy complex, the field of power is located as a centralising force in structuring the policy-making development and enactments at the local level. In order to achieve distinction within the schooling field and thus be acknowledged as legitimate within the neoliberal policy complex, Kingswood’s localised development trajectory reveals how the discourses of neoliberalism have been internalised by the social actors within the study, to produce subjective positioning which reveals a commitment to the neoliberal doxa. Within this theorisation certain knowledges, capitals and ways of doing and thinking are privileged and presented as common sense. At Kingswood, the conversion to an academy in April 2012 and the attendant re-organisation of the school provision into a Multi-Academy Trust, which has on site a ‘professional’ and a ‘studio’ school, are presented as a necessary construction for the school’s future, and the employability skills that will be subsequently embedded within the curriculum are framed as a common sense development of the purposes of education. The study concludes that such position-taking ultimately reveals how the centralising and hierarchical notions of power work to produce a narrative of misrecognition with regards to how the school must develop localised policy-making in order to remain a viable and legitimate entity in the schooling field. The research makes a contribution to the field of policy scholarship by applying Bourdieu’s thinking tools to the empirical findings from a range of social actors in and connected to the school in order to construct an understanding of the relationships between power and positionality in localised policy-making in neoliberal times.

This thesis explores how presuppositions and assumptions can affect policy making, by investigating if anti-trans and 'gender critical' rhetoric may have affected the now reversed NHS policy ‘Amendments to service specification for gender identity development service for children and adolescents’ which directly influenced the still in use Karolinska University Hospital policy, ‘Policyförändring gällande hormonell behandling till minderåriga patienter med könsdysfori inom Tema Barn’. By using the Foucauldian inspired poststructural WPR policy analysis method by Bacchi and Goodwin, it was uncovered that the underlying assumptions and presuppositions of the hegemonic ‘truths’ the representation of the problem relied on, assumed dominance through an increase of anti-transgender and anti-gender-diverse rhetoric in political and public debates, and in media. A monumental aspect of this is the Bell v Tavistock case and its now overturned first ruling, which was used to legitimise anti-transgender and anti-gender-diverse policies and politics. The point of departure for these ‘truths’ is the publication of The Transexual Empire: The Making of the She-Male (1979) by Janice Raymond, which inspired TERFs, as well as far-right politicians, who echo the intention to limit gender-affirming treatments, and the centres where they are performed, in order to morally mandate it out of existence.

The devolution of immigration policy to the 50 states has resulted in the enactment of more than 1,500 state-level immigration since 2005. For the record 42 million immigrants living in the U.S., these laws have had tremendous consequences related to healthcare utilization and access, community relations with law enforcement, family dissolution, and the exacerbation of income inequalities. While the legislative arena has shifted to the states, our understanding of immigration policymaking remains unclear due to inconsistent and omitted predictors of immigration policy, subjective coding of immigration laws, and statistical modeling that does not take into account changes in key independent variables. Using data primarily from the Census Bureau’s American Factfinder, the Current Population Survey, and the National Council of State Legislatures, and other sources this research refines the quantitative determinants of immigration policy while using time-series analysis to highlight the factors linked to laws designed to integrate or exclude immigrations in the 50 states. Once empirical analysis is conducted, I delve into the details of state level immigration policymaking by interviewing state level bureaucrats within state health departments to determine the role that they, their data analysis, and the research play when it comes to influencing legislators and shaping immigration policy. This mixed methods approach combining statistical modeling and key informant interviews provides important findings that give a clear picture on why state institutional arrangements are crucial for understating immigration policy at the state level.

Yes / Higher Education [HE] policy makers play a major role in the application of international standards on gender equality. Depending on the particular characteristics of each Higher Education organisation, this responsibility is borne and/or shared by specific actors that may be located in Human Resources departments, and/or could be strategically placed throughout the organisational structure. It also rests on the actions and commitment of senior leaders and managers, who are visual and powerful champions for structural change. Either way, policy actors are particularly involved in monitoring and evaluation processes, and policy implementation, as well as legitimation of gender equality standards. Therefore, it is fundamental to work with a clear roadmap to integrate gender equality into organisational change, which would sustain context-specific, legally compliant and responsive policies that meet international and national standards of gender equality and non-discrimination. Accordingly, this resource offer a hands-on and transparent approach to gender mainstreaming in Higher Education institutions, constituting a support tool for policy makers and actors involved in policy development and implementation, which is key for regulating and legitimating organisational transformation along gender sensitive, gender competent, gender balanced and gender equal principles. / FP7

Qu'est-ce que l'Europe politique et l'Europe du sport peuvent faire afin de mieux former les jeunes footballeurs et de mieux les protéger au cours d'un transfert ? Cette interrogation permet aisément la lecture de ce qui est en jeu à la jonction entre le champ sportif et le champ politique. Cet espace de positions sociales que constitue le football européen voit s'affronter des acteurs du mouvement sportif d'un côté, avec d'autres agents issus des institutions européennes. Nous démontrerons comment répondre politiquement à un problème footballistique, ce qui passe par une volonté politique de haut-niveau. Ainsi, le processus de policy-making résulte d'un compromis rendu obligatoire par l'autonomie et la spécificité dont bénéficie le football. La coordination entre les autorités publiques et le mouvement sportif sera un élément prépondérant de contrôle et de régulation pour faire face aux défis actuels dans le monde du football, dans lequel les Nations conservent le véritable pouvoir. / What can the political Europe and the Europe of sport do to better train young football players and to better protect them during a transfer ? This question allows us to see what is at stake in the junction between the sports and the political social field. This European football social space is divided into actors from the sports movement on one's hand, and into agents from the European institutions on the other hand. We'll demonstrate how to answer politically to a problem dealing with football, which requires a high level of political will. Thus, the policy-making process is a compromise made compulsory, both by the specificity and the sports movement autonomy, and by the weight of the national habitus. In the future, coordination between public authorities and the sports movement has been identified as a key element of control and regulation, in order to face up to the current challenges in the world of football, upon which the Nations still hold the real power.

No description available.

This thesis investigates asylum seekers/refugees’ orientations to belonging and identity. It is based on in-depth semi-structured interviews conducted among asylum seekers/refugees residing in Scotland between 2006 and 2008 and on a media monitoring of a number of UK newspapers. The interviews were analysed for interviewees’ orientations to feelings of belonging and identity with the UK, Scotland and homelands. They were also analysed for interviewees’ perceptions (beliefs and understandings) of newspapers’ reporting of asylum and importance to their sense of national belonging and national identity forming. The monitoring provided the context of newspapers’ reporting of asylum at the time of interviews. It enabled a small-scale examination of media content with reference to interviewees’ perceptions. The thesis explores two assumptions. Firstly, asylum seekers/refugees’ national belonging and national identity formations are complex and contingent upon their everyday ‘lived’ experiences. Secondly, asylum seekers/refugees’ belonging and identity formations, as social processes of citizenship, cannot be understood in isolation from the high visibility of the asylum issue in UK media. As an empirical study, therefore, its findings are deployed to critique policymaking, theoretical and media accounts of non-British citizens’ forms of belonging to, and identification with the British ‘nation’. It is suggested that, in addition to policymaking, there are other social circumstances that would facilitate ethnic minority migrants’ national belonging and national identity formations. These factors do not only account for the prioritising of Scottishness over Britishness, but also migrants’ ‘hyphenated’ identities. This thesis will therefore provide evidence suggesting that non-citizens (ethnic minorities), have their own meanings and agency of orientating to a feeling of national belonging and national identity that is nuanced and contingent on their experiences. The thesis does not aim to establish media causality. However, it highlights the fact that newspaper coverage can evoke responses from marginalised groups and provide the context from which identities are narrated and mobilised. The thesis will improve our understanding of the practices, meanings and contestations of belonging and identity that is grounded in the ‘lived’ experiences of noncitizens. This sociological dimension to ethnic minorities’ citizenship forming is not only poorly understood, but has been dominated by theoretical and policymaking accounts in the contemporary state.

This thesis explores how decentralisation of basic pharmaceutical assistance was introduced in Brazil. Decentralisation aimed to improve access to basic medicines. Nevertheless, the inconsistency in the availability of medicines in the Brazilian public health system (SUS - Unified Health System) justified the development of two seemingly contradictory, yet co-existing, approaches: decentralisation and recentralisation. The central question of my thesis was how the simultaneous processes of decentralisation and recentralisation, which took place between 1998 and 2011, have affected access to medicines distributed by SUS. My second aim was to explore how political and power dynamics impacted the implementation of decentralisation policies. I carried out semi-structured interviews with key actors in policy-making for pharmaceutical assistance; interviewees were selected from among the health secretaries and Ministry of Health officials that participated in interfederative boards of agreement. The Grounded Theory approach, as well as documentary analysis, informed my data collection and analysis. My findings suggest that decentralisation was important for improving the availability of medicines, although levels of improvement varied across the country. Decentralisation in itself was not sufficient to improve the availability of medicines largely due to the regional differences. Federative relationships involved in the decentralised management of pharmaceutical assistance are seen as important by health secretaries, but are considered laborious and time-consuming by Ministry of Health officials. Lack of compliance with agreements at state level was mentioned as one of the main barriers to further improving access to medicines. In this context of struggle, the Popular Pharmacy programme, controlled by the federal government, was created in 2004. The initiative, which can be regarded as a recentralisation process, rapidly improved the availability of basic medicines. There is no clear indication of which is the best approach for improving access to basic medicines in Brazil. Both decentralisation and centralisation worked well in some contexts but failed in others.