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Arbetet handlar om publika skjutningar i skolmiljö, d.v.s. dåd där förövare har skjutit mot individer i skolmiljö, utan att ha uppvisat förklaringar till varför gärningen genomförts.   Syftet med rapporten var att finna hur förvaltningsmodeller hanterar effekterna av en skolskjutning, för att se om någon är bättre rustad. Samt, om en koppling mellan modell och effektiv hantering kunde göras och även se vad som skiljde modellerna åt i behandlingen av situationerna. En jämförande, mest-olika-modell har nyttjats, och rapporten begränsades till synen av tre olika förvaltningsmodeller. Undersökningen är även begränsad i tid av hänsyn till förekomsten av de undersökta dåden.   Bruket av Internetkällor har varit omfattande, då mycket av det som skrivits kring dåden förekommit i dagspress. För utvecklandet av förvaltningsteorier har även vetenskaplig litteratur nyttjats.   Resultatet har varit att få säkra slutsatser kan dras av de dåd som inträffat. Samtliga teorier brottas med olika sorters problem gällande sina hanteringar av dåden, och ingen enhetlig bild har kunnat sammanställas.

Federalism is an important and broadly implemented feature in today's international community of polities. Around 70% of the world states are believed to have at least some element of federalism, and around 20 of the world's nations are considered to be federal states, and 40% of the world's population lives in these countries. The purpose of this thesis is therefore to investigate federalism. To see what reasons that is behind federalism and if federalism itself have any effects on issues such as democracy and participation. First of all it is important to understand what federalism is, and as mentioned above countries can have different degrees of federalism; however, two very important aspects are division of power and self rule. Division of power means that the governing power is divided, the federation as a whole has its governing system and the regions or states have their own. Self rule is given in a federation, the goal here is to create a system where regions and states can have their sovereignty and make decisions that they believe are the best for their region, but at the same time they belong to a bigger system and have to obey the rules of the national government as well. This often becomes a source of disagreement, what should be the responsibility of the region and what should the national government control. Political scientists have over time been discussing what the reasons for a country become a federation might be. I will in this thesis discuss five hypothetical reasons: 1) A practical reason- Countries becomes federal because of their areal size and population size 2) historical circumstances- influences from former colonial powers 3) ethical diversity 4) the will to expand territory and 5) the will to give up territory. After looking at different countries evolvement towards federalism it is justified to say that all of the hypotheses, to some degree are correct. All of them do have an effect when it comes to why a country becomes federal. There are reasons to believe that a higher level of democracy, political participation and conservatism are consequences of federalism. After doing some statistical test it can beconcluded that democracy and political participation are somehow correlated to federalism, but it is not justified to say that a country is democratic because of federalism, other factor have to be taken into consideration. Conservatism however can be seen as a result offederalism.

Drawing on a neo-Gramscian conception of global civil society as a sphere where world order is ideologically sustained and contested, this paper examines the extent to which the idea of a human right to food serves to challenge neoliberal globalization or is incorporated into its ideational underpinnings. Through a focus on the negotiations of a set of Voluntary Guidelines to Support the Progressive Realization of the Right to Adequate Food in the Context of National Food Security, a discursive struggle over the meaning of the "right to food" is analyzed. On the one hand, the articulation of food as a fundamental right politicizes the "problem" of hunger, casts critical light on the global restructuring of production and subjects the market to the primacy of human rights. On the other hand, the "right to food" as negotiated in the Guidelines process – with its human rights content largely suppressed, recast as a policy goal and molded into a policy approach – is neutralized as a challenge and brought into conformity with the neoliberal project of globalization. Relating these findings back to the force field of contesting globalization from below and co-opting such resistance from above, this study ends with reflections on the limits and possibilities of human rights discourse as part of a counter-hegemonic strategy.

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The purpose of this essay is to examine the Swedish relations to Nato and by doing so see on what terms the cooperation is executed and why. However, Sweden is not a member of Nato and is thereby not seen as an ally of the organization but even so Sweden has a close cooperation with Nato. The theories used in this essay is The Rational Actor Model and The Organizational Behaviour Model by Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow. To this a number of additional theorises are used as to complement these two main theories. The aim with these theories is to see which one gives the most satisfying explanation of the Swedish strategy to cooperate with Nato and still not be a member of the alliance or if all theorises are needed. A qualitative approach is used with a case study and qualitative text analysis of the Swedish military defence strategy. To form this essay a number of documents are used from the Swedish government and its defence committee where explanations are given to the cooperation with Nato. The documents that are used in this essay span from 1995 to 2009 and the reason to why this time period is used is because Sweden prior to the end of The Cold War had a strict defence strategy that was very neutral. After the end of The Cold War Sweden has opened up more to international cooperation, among others the membership of the EU and the sister organization Partnership for Peace by Nato. Further on, this essay also gives an explanation of the Swedish analysis of the security aspects in the world since this helps give an understanding to why Sweden form its defence strategy the way it does. The result of this essay is that the actions of Sweden are rational in its cooperation with Nato on the basis of the security conditions Sweden face. The military neutrality is one aspect Sweden chooses to preserve, and to do so and still cooperate with Nato Sweden is a member of the Partnership for Peace by Nato. In this organization Sweden chooses in which operations they participate. The defence strategy of Sweden is to preserve peace in the world around oneself and by doing so make sure peace is secured for oneself. To reach this goal international crisis operations are performed through cooperation with Nato in the Partnership for Peace. One explanation to why Sweden does not apply to be members of Nato is because of its organizational structure concerning defence strategy. Sweden only cooperate with Nato through Partnership for Peace because the goal of the Swedish organization is to keep the country military neutral. The reason for this is its standard operational procedures which the organization has when it comes to defence strategy. A Swedish membership in Nato could however also be seen as a rational choice since Sweden most unlikely would stand by and do nothing if another EU-country would be attacked. Many countries in the EU are members of Nato which means that Sweden would also defend that alliance. Thereby it would be seen as Sweden is prepared to contribute defensively if a member is attacked.

In this thesis we investigate gendered dimensions of the war in the former Yugoslavia. We do this with the help of gender theory, as well as theories about the construction of identities and the role of the identity aspect in contemporary warfare. By combining these theoretical points of departure we hope to shed light on how gender can be used by political and military leaders and by the media in times of war. We explore how underlying gender assumptions in the Yugoslav society affected the course of war as well as how gender relations were altered just before and during the war. We come to the conclusion that gender was central to the construction of collective identity in the Yugoslav wars. Women were pushed in to traditional gender roles and constructed as carriers of culture and mothers of the nation. Further the symbolic values associated with women made them vulnerable to sexual violence, since an attack against enemy women were considered to be an attack on the entire nation. The intersections between gender and identity aspects in the Yugoslav wars made women strategic targets of military violence.