In the Swedish general election of 2006, the citizens were faced with the fact that there were two parties that called themselves a “workers´ party”. It was not just the Social-Democratic Party, which we usually identify as a traditional workers´ party, it was also the Moderate Coalition Party, which we usually identify as a traditional conservative party, which during this suffrage also called them self the “new moderates”. The central and the main election pledge for the new moderates took its standpoint in the idea that everybody should have a job. This was also the main reason why they called them self a workers´ party. But is that enough for illustrating a party as a workers´ party, considering for example, that it should be in every parties obligation and responsibility to contribute to a policy that is shaped in a way, that as far as possible conduce to that every single member of the society has a job. Are there perhaps other values and recommendations to take in consider justifying the use of the epithet “workers´ party”, other than the idea that everybody should have a job? The purpose with this essay is to describe, compare and analyse four newspapers, as they have a key role as spokesmen for political parties’ opinions to the citizens, and how they framed these two parties as workers´ parties. For this purpose I have used and analyzed Aftonbladet, Dala-Demokraten, (social-democratic) and Svenska Dagbladet and Norrköpings Tidningar (conservative) by using a theory called the framing theory. This theory focus on how media select some aspects of a perceived reality, and make them more salient in their published communicating text, with the purpose to promote a particular point of view instead of others.

Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) from Europe have been very active in the field of development in third world countries. This thesis therefore is based on the topic ‘The Role of European Non Governmental Organisations in the Development and Democratisation of Cameroon.Challenges and Prospects’. Increasing fundings from the EU and the national governments of these organisations have been made available to these NGOs to carry out development projects in the south but unfortunately as reports say, the level of global poverty has been rising especially in Africa that has 30 nations among the world’s poorest 32 nations (UNHDR 2005). Taking Cameroon as a case since 1990 is because of the researcher’s interest in that country’s poverty reduction programmes as well as decentralisation which are in line with the activities of the European NGOs. In critically looking at their roles, attention is focused on the following NGOs: The Netherlands Development Organisation (SNV Highlands), The Swiss Association for International Cooperation (HELVETAS) and Plan International- Cameroon which is a UK based organisation. The previous two have been working in Cameroon for over twenty five years in the field of development. Some of their projects carried out are looked into also and some of the challenges they face in the field. From this point, we could know if there are prospects for economic development or not. Possible theories like Osvaldo Sunkel’s ‘External Dependence and National Development Policy’ would be reviewed but the main theory however will be Democratisation theory that can suit the role of civil societies and NGOs. Analysis of related literature or document will be the methodology used because of the inability to undertake field research. It is hoped that this work will provide an additional framework on which development organisations can rely in the fight against poverty and underdevelopment in third world countries.

Corruption is defined as the abuse of public office for private gain. Often, corruption has devastating consequences, the two main consequences of which are economic and social. Unfortunately corruption exists most in developing countries, where people already live under hard economical and social conditions. The Pacific Islands are a region where corruption is a problem. Some countries are doing better than others, some have improved and some have got worse. But almost all of the Pacific island countries have faced cups or riots, breakdown of law and order as a consequence of corruption. The region is unique and characterized by ecological and cultural diversity, colonization, tribes, a human history rich in epic ritual, travel, narrative, and innovation. This thesis has examined one small Pacific Island country, Vanuatu which is a typical example of an island country in the region. 76 % of the people lives on 83 different islands and have little contact with the central island and its public and political administration. The purpose was to examine why corruption exists in the region with the help of different corruption theories. The result was that many Islands in the Pacific have been colonised and have had very little time to build up a stable public and political administration. Results also showed that the islands have a strong tribal tradition and people lives isolated on islands far away from the “real political life”, there is also a culture which accepts e.g. bribery and the general attitude is that parliamentarians should look after their original tribe rather than the entire country.

Several previous studies have in different ways tried to explain how new social movements are affected by the different sets of political and social contexts within different states and societies. This essay asks the question how much the institutional aspects within the theory of Political Opportunity Structures (POS) have determined how the rather successful animal rights movements in the Netherlands and Great Britain have mobilized and acted to gain progress. Since the Netherlands and Great Britain contains different kinds of political and institutional contexts, these two states are found to be suitable for a comparative analysis of the theory's durability. A qualitative portrayal of both state's institutional political opportunity structures are presented. Then the mobilization, progress, and actions of the political party “Party for the Animals” in the Netherlands, and a wide group of animal rights organisations in Great Britain are determined. What is found is that the open political system in the Netherlands according to the theory shaped the national animal rights movement to mobilize as a political party and only use conventional means to gain progress. What is also found is that the closed political system of Great Britain according to the theory probably shaped the national animal rights movement into mobilizing itself into a wide range of animal rights organisations that use a lot of confrontational strategies to gain political progress. The conclusion being that institutional political opportunity structures that determine whether a state has an open or closed political system proved its durability in the cases of the animal rights movements in the Netherlands and Great Britain.

No description available.

This essay is a case study about the Swedish Armed Forces during the years 1988-2004; when it transformed from a force constructed to meet an invasion, to an international force with the primary mission to help subdue conflicts around the world. The essay uses texts and documents to examine what happened between these years and to find out what drove that change. By asking the questions A) ”What happened between the years 1988-2004?” and B) ”What is the difference between the Armed Forces in 1988 and in 2004?”, it is possible to also ask C) ”Why did the Swedish Armed Forces change?”. The essay is divided into three main parts; 1) a theory-part focused on three main theories of international relations: liberalism, realism, and constructivism, 2) a historical case study examining the evolvement of the Armed Forces during these years, and 3) a conclusions section that uses thethree theories of international relations to examine why this change happened. In examining the historical period and making conclusions about the differences between these years it was also necessary to construct a scale of military power, on which the historical case study is based.

The 1st of July 2006 Sweden made a change of authorities in the system concerning the reception of separated asylum seeking children. Prior to the change, the Swedish Board of Migration was held completely responsible for the reception of these children, who arrives in Sweden without their parents or any other relatives to care for them. Since the alteration of the law (1994:137) the responsibility for the housing of these children now lies within the Swedish municipalities, while the Board of Migration still handles their legal commissions. The change was intended to fundamentally improve the conditions under which these children were taken care of. However the implementation took a severe wrong turn when the municipalities weren't prepared for their new responsibilities and the immediate result was alarming.   This qualitative study is based upon interviews with the people responsible for the reception of the separated asylum seeking children in the municipalities of Kronobergs County, as well as one of the two people in charge of the new system at the Swedish Board of Migration. The study aims to illustrate the causes to the problems in the process of implementation and the different types of steering that was used to improve the situation. This, combined with a report on the actual status of the system, finally provides a brief analysis of the complete Swedish system regarding the reception of these children. A system that even though it has improved considerably, still struggles with problems caused from the damages of the bad implementation, two and a half years ago.

No description available.

No description available.

In 2004, a provision was introduced into the Environmental Code, which states that the plans and programs that may lead to significant environmental impact should be tested through an environmental impact assessment. This study focuses on what happens after such a description has been made. Is there anyone monitoring the real impact? And if so, in what regard?By reviewing environmental impact assessments made of Detailed Development Plans, as well as interviews with the municipalities concerned, I wanted to answer the question of municipalities actually live up to the legislative requirements, and how is monitoring sections written in the EIA's. The results show varying quality regarding monitoring sections in the EIA´s and almost non-existent follow-up work after the plan has been prepared.The municipalities that were interviewed all thought that the follow up idea was good, but in practice difficult. The reasons for this are that the law is poorly precise; there is a lack of resources or that the responsibilities within the organization can be a problem according to the municipalitiesOne of the solutions to this problem may be a reporting requirement against the municipalities, as this usually leads to an expanded and more focused work.