Born out of the industrial and political struggles of organized labour at the end of the First World War, the BC CCF was a product of organizational and ideological conflict in the 1910s and 1920s. This study explores the shift of BC socialism towards industrial action, which culminated in the One Big Union and the sympathetic strikes of 1919. It then examines the emergence of anti-Communism on the Left, shaped by the experience of political unity and disunity during the 1920s. These two factors fundamentally influenced the ideology and strategy adopted by the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) in British Columbia. The ideological and tactical divisions of the 1930s were contested during the 1910s and 1920s. The collapse of the One Big Union, combined with deteriorating relations with the Communist Party, shifted BC socialists away from industrial militancy and toward parliamentary forms of struggle. / Graduate / 0334 / 0629 / 0511

Thesis (MHlthSc(OccTh))--University of South Australia, 1998

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington. / Bibliography: l. [458]-470.

Thesis (B. Ec.(Hons.))--University of Adelaide, 1973. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 65).

O presente trabalho procura demonstrar a existência de quatro diferentes sentidos de liberdade no sistema filosófico de Hobbes: liberdade como ausência de impedimentos externos ao movimento, liberdade como direito natural de auto-preservação no estado de natureza, liberdade como esfera de ação delimitada pela lei civil e liberdade como direito legítimo de descumprir certas leis civis. Nesse sentido, os resultados da pesquisa contrariam a compreensão do conceito de liberdade em Hobbes a partir de sua apropriação pela tradição liberal, que considera apenas um desses quatro sentidos. As análises permitem ainda inferir que entre os diferentes sentidos de liberdade em Hobbes há relações de analogia e de pertencimento. / This research aims to demonstrate four different ways of understanding the concept of liberty in Hobbes\' philosophical system: liberty as an absent of external impediments to movement; liberty as the natural right of self-preservation in the state of nature; liberty as the field of action limited by the civil law; and liberty as the right to disobey some civil laws without injustice. The research\'s results contradict the liberal use of Hobbes\'s concept of liberty, due to this usage been restricted to only one of the four ways of the concept of liberty in Hobbes\' works.

The thesis examines the career and professional philosophy of Philip Morris. Starting in schools management in Kent in the 1920s, Morris subsequently devised a huge wartime educational programme for the Army and then spent the remainder of his career in higher education as the Vice-Chancellor of Bristol University. He served on several important committees concerned with teacher training, school examinations and adult and Commonwealth education, and held senior positions in the BBC and the British Council. The culmination of his career was his vital contribution to the report of the Committee on Higher Education chaired by Lord Robbins. For thirty years these activities enabled him to influence the development of education at home and abroad. He was able to put into practice his belief in the value of a liberal education made available throughout life to all who could benefit from it, without regard to social class or the immediate economic interests of society. Despite a natural modesty and preference for avoiding public attention, the conformity of his views with mainstream political and academic opinion, combined with his administrative ability, resulted in an acknowledgement by his peers of his eminence in his field. Within British governance he came to epitomise the effective though informal ruling elite known as ‘the Great and the Good’. Towards the end of his career, however, his authority and his ability to direct the course of events began to decline, and many of his principal objectives appeared to fail in the period after his retirement. The thesis concludes by examining the reasons for this, suggesting that it was caused by changing attitudes to paternalist administration and to the value of liberal education, arising from a range of factors including the very expansion of educational opportunity that he had helped to bring about.

This thesis originated in an attempt to explain the Restoration of Charles II. If the Puritan Revolution had been, as it was portrayed in school history lessons, a successful revolt of "the people" against a tyrant, why was the tyrant's libidinous son joyfully welcomed less than twenty years after the revolt? From reading the two major works of the past century which had specifically dealt with this period — Guizot and Davies — it emerged that "the people" had very little to do with the Revolution, and still less with the Restoration. Guizot's emphasis on the part played by General Monk obviously arose from the author's tendency to narrate events rather than probe for causes. Davies, completing the long series of works begun by Gardiner and continued by Firth, was also largely concerned with narration. From his work, however, it became reasonably clear that the strings which controlled Monk's actions were pulled by a comparatively small group of men. Interestingly, almost all these men (as Monk himself realised) had at one time or another been bitterly opposed to the regime of Charles I. Most had participated in the Civil War on Parliament's side, and one at least had signed the warrant for Charles’s execution. Further reading confirmed the idea that the engineers of the Restoration were a small elite. They appeared to include three interwoven but reasonably distinct groups: country landowners, City financiers and merchants, and a group of professional men (mostly lawyers) who functioned as a kind of link. Subsequent research was directed to the task of identifying these groups, examining their procedures, and seeking to explain their actions and aims, with particular reference to the years 1658-1660. The materials used were necessarily confined to printed books, and (on account of cost) largely to those sources available in the Library at the University of British Columbia. Within those limits the investigation has been as thorough as possible. The plan of the thesis is in part chronological, but the main emphasis is on more general factors. The Table of Contents (on page iv) gives a reasonably clear picture of the line followed. Since the investigation was concerned largely with the aims and procedures of the elite, there are few conclusions in the syllogistic or allegedly scientific sense. One general conclusion is that aims were primarily based on the supposition that the status of an elite depends on an ostentatious display of material wealth, and hence on great differences in material possessions. This, more than intrinsic unkindness or stupidity, made it necessary to ensure that the lower classes were kept ignorant and poor; and the procedures of the elite were therefore directed mainly to this end. Another general conclusion is that these procedures were eminently successful. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

The Commonwealth parliament's Public Accounts Committee (PAC) was established in 1913 and to the end of 1995 had produced 397 reports on government expenditure and administration, with almost all its recommendations implemented by government. However despite the Committee's prominence among the instruments parliament has used to oversight the executive, not only does it lack clear legislative authority for major areas of its activities but its specific purpose is not defined in its legislation. Among other things the latter omission renders proper evaluation of the PAC's effectiveness impossible, as objectives are a necessary prerequisite to assessment. This thesis establishes the de facto purpose of the Committee by tracing the development of standing public accounts committees generally, and by analysing the PAC's work as shown by its output of tabled reports. In that development, six evolutionary phases are identified: the PAC's roots in the move to a parliamentary control of the administration of government expenditure in Britain from the 1780s; its genesis in the 1850s with the concept of the standing public accounts committee, to be concerned with regularity and probity in government expenditure; its origins in the establishment of the British standing public accounts committee , in 1861, stressing high standards of government accounting, audit and reporting; its establishment in the Commonwealth, concentrating on information on departmental activities, efficient implementation of government programs and provision of policy advice; its re-establishment in 1951, stressing parliamentary control of government financial administration; and its operations from 1980, pressing for economic fundamentalist change in the public sector. Their output shows that in these phases the committees concerned displayed characteristic standing public accounts committee activism and independence in utilising the wording of their enabling documentation to adapt themselves to changes in their environment by pursuing a corresponding different mix of one or more of the following concurrent immediate aims: ensuring adequate systems of government accounting, audit and reporting; ensuring probity and regularity in departmental expenditure; obtaining and disseminating information on departmental activities; ensuring high standards of departmental administration and management; providing policy advice to executive government; and ensuring economic, efficient and effective government spending. Together these attributes and practices have made the PAC a parliamentary instrument of unequalled flexibility with a single continuing underlying aim - a purpose not concerning the public accounts per se, but directed at achieving high standards of management and administration in government by calling the Commonwealth's public service to account for its expenditure and activities.

No description available.