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Coaching knowledge is an essential resource for improving competition quality. The purpose of this study was to explore the needs and wants of elite coaches from the African and small island regions of the Commonwealth at the 2014 Commonwealth Games in Glasgow, Scotland. Specifically, their development of coaching knowledge and their context was analyzed to understand their needs and wants. Using a knowledge management framework, 19 semi-structured interviews identified the process of combining knowledge as predominant in the development of coaching knowledge within these regions. Tacit knowledge was developed through their social environment, mentorship, and athletic or coaching experience. The need for formal knowledge development opportunities and basic coaching resources were also identified. Finally, technology helped to reduce challenges around accessibility to knowledge, and coach certification programs helped with the transition from athlete to coach.

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In demokratischen Regierungssystemen sind die Minister als Agenten der exekutiven Staatsgewalt gegenüber dem Parlament für ihre Handlungen verantwortlich. Die ministerielle Fragestunde ist hierbei ein gewichtiges Kontollinstrument und Gegenstand der vorliegenden kontrastiven Metaphernanalyse unter spezieller Berücksichtigung von pragmatischen und kulturellen Gesichtspunkten. Neben einer Diskussion und Kontextualisierung kognitiver Metapherntheorien wird vor allem im Rahmen einer Korpusanalyse festgestellt, welche Quelldomänen in diesem Diskursgenre quantitativ am häufigsten und qualitativ am bedeutsamsten für das zum Zeitpunkt der globalen Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise relevante Makrotopik der Wirtschaftsrezession auftreten; außerdem welche interkulturellen Variationen und Konventionaliäten in den konzeptuellen Metaphern bestehen. / In the course of this contrastive metaphor analysis the metaphoric source domains in the parliamentary discourse of question time are qualitatively and quantitatively examined against the background of cognitive metaphor theories . A detailed original corpus analysis of three versions of question time reveals which intercultural variations and conventionalities exist in the assessed conceptual metaphors

The strategic air offensive against Germany during World War II formed a major part of Britain�s wartime military effort and it has subsequently attracted the attention of historians. Despite the attention, historians have paid little attention to the impact of the strategic air offensive on Britain. This thesis attempts to redress this situation by providing an examination of the economic impact on Britain of the offensive. The work puts the economic cost of the offensive into its historical context by describing the strategic air offensive and its intellectual underpinnings. Following this preliminary step, the economic costs are described and quantified across a range of activities using accrual accounting methods. The areas of activity examined include the expansion of the aircraft industry, the cost of individual aircraft types, the cost of constructing airfields, the manufacture and delivery of armaments, petrol and oil, and the recruitment, training and maintenance of the necessary manpower. The findings are that the strategic air offensive cost Britain �2.78 billion, equating to an average cost of �2,911.00 for every operational sortie flown by Bomber Command or �5,914.00 for every Germany civilian killed by aerial bombing. The conclusion reached is the damage inflicted upon Germany by the strategic air offensive imposed a very heavy financial burden on Britain that she could not afford and this burden was a major contributor to Britain�s post-war impoverishment.

This thesis seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of the extent and use of public inquiries appointed by the Commonwealth government since federation. Given the increased incidence in public inquiries since the 1970s, particular attention is given to assessing inquiries during this period. The thesis develops a clear definition of public inquiries to better identify the number established and to distinguish them from other advisory institutions and to allow more accurate comparison of their use by different governments over extended timeframes. The thesis addresses a number of key issues concerning public inquiries such as the reasons for their appointment, their roles and functions in the political system, their powers of investigation, processes of operation, their different organisational forms and their impact on policy development. In addition, the thesis seeks to explain both the long term use of public inquiries in Australia, and in particular their increased incidence since the 1970s. Supported by new data, and a more rigorous definition of public inquiries, the thesis identifies trends in the number and type of public inquiries appointed, their use by different governments, the range of issues investigated, the processes employed and the changing composition of their memberships. The thesis proposes that an important means of explaining the continuing appointment of inquiries is their intrinsic 'publicness' - their public appointment, external membership, temporary nature, open processes, and public reporting arrangements. This 'publicness' has given public inquiries a particular standing and legitimacy in the political system that for a variety of reasons, other institutions are increasingly unable to provide. Other issues concerning public inquiry appointment such as the effect of government partisanship, the impact of the electoral cycle, and the political motivations of governments are also assessed. A number of theories such as public choice are examined in relation to explaining inquiry appointment and found to have limited application in providing an overall explanation of inquiry use and their functions. These different issues are analysed by examination of many individual inquiries and supplemented by in depth assessment of three clusters of case studies. The case studies cover seven inquiries of different types and powers appointed over a twenty year period by both Labor and Coalition governments into a range of different fields including public sector reform, allegations of corruption and maladministration and financial deregulation. Each set of case studies examines why the inquiries were appointed, their classification and type, the processes employed, the form and content of their reports, and their policy impact. The thesis concludes that in examining why public inquiries are appointed and their roles in the political system, they need to be assessed not just by the effectiveness of their processes or the quality of their advice. These are important, but alone are not sufficient in explaining the persistent use of inquiries by all governments and their proliferation since the 1970s. The thesis contends that it is the 'publicness' of inquiries which distinguishes them from other advisory bodies and gives inquiries particular standing in the Australian political system to be perceived to be able to legitimately investigate and advise on a wide of issues. Despite the growth of other advisory bodies in recent times, public inquiries have continued to be appointed in increasing numbers since the early 1970s regardless of the government in power and therefore need to be seen less as an aberration of the Australian political system and more as an important, if often understudied, component. Future research areas recommended include the need for greater comparative analysis of their use with other Westminster democracies such as the United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand.

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This study examines the establishment of the national curriculum centre and the historical, political, social and educational factors which contributed to the decision of the Minister for Education on the recommendation of the Australian Education Council, to establish such a centre. This study looks at the historical background which resulted in States' responsibility for education, at the Australian Constitution which avoids any mention of education but which allows Commonwealth support for education through grants to the States. It briefly traces the development of an increasing Commonwealth involvement in education, notes the very significant inquiries at national level into areas of need resulting in reports such as the Murray Martin, Karmel and Kangan recommending Commonwealth funding for specific areas of education. Other significant institutions and influences are identified. These include bodies such as the Australian Council for Education Research, the Conference of Directors' General and the Australian Education Council. The Commonwealth Department of Education is seen to play a major part in the decision to establish a national curriculum centre supported as it has been in this policy, by all major political parties and by successive governments in office. Much of this concern for curriculum reflects an environment of change typical of the 60's both educationally and politically. It was a period when philosophies of education and attitudes to the whole process of schooling were being questioned. Some influence emerges from contact by Australian teachers and academics with major overseas curriculum centres, notably the Schools Council and from large scale curriculum projects both in the U.S. and the U.K., notably in the area of science. A variety of factors contributed to the Australian Science Education Project as a major national curriculum program which gave support to the view that all States and systems could and would co-operate, with some Commonwealth support, in the provision of curriculum materials and the development of curricula with relevance for all Australian students. UNESCO conferences such as that at Burwood in 1967 on the "Teaching of the Social Sciences at the Secondary Level" and the Sydney one concerned with the Teaching of English, among others, brought together a range of concerned teachers who were involved in the subsequent establishment of the National Committee on Social Science Teaching and the National Committee for Teaching English. A third Committee, the Asian Studies Co-ordinating Committee arose from a Commonwealth inquiry into the teaching of Asian language and culture. These three committees undertook programs in curriculum development which responded to the need for work in these areas, and for the need for such programs to involve all States and systems and to rationalise expenditure and utilise available expertise in the curriculum area. This study supports the view that the Curriculum Development Centre, established under a 1975 Act of Parliament by that name, is a unique step in the development of a national view of education and an example of a co-operative model of development of curriculum at a national level. It is not solely a funding body nor does it direct funds to State Departments. Its small budget maintains a secretariat and a curriculum staff with involvement and concern for national issues and the avoidance of overlaps and duplication, and for the rationalization of resources. Its decision making process requires involvement by all State departments, by Contact Officers from State, Catholic and Independent schools and an input from specialists in the field, from parents, academics, and the community. In this regard it represents a marked change from the strictly State based curriculum pattern in Australia. The role of the Australian Education Council, the Commonwealth Department of Education, the Australian Council for Education Research and two major UNESCO conferences are examined as significant influences. This study identifies other influences, political, social, educational and financial which were significant in the decision by the Government of the day to establish a national curriculum centre, and the persons and institutions which influenced that decision, and worked to achieve its establishment, The process of change is examined and the rational, re-educative and power co-ercive strategies used by those seeking to effect a change in school curriculum in Australia and to establish a national centre for curriculum development,are identified.

Promoting the quality of school education has been an issue of international, national and local significance in Australia over the past three decades. Since 1973 the pursuit of quality in school education has been embedded in the rhetoric of educational discourse and framed by the wider policy context. This study focuses on the Commonwealth (federal) government's policy agenda to promote the quality of schooling between 1987 and 1996. During this ten year period, successive Labor governments sought to promote quality through a range of policy initiatives and funding programs. Through extensive documentary research, fifty semi-structured interviews and one focus group with elite policy makers and stakeholders, the study examines how the Commonwealth government's 'quality agenda' was constructed and perceived. An analysis of relevant government reports and ministerial statements provides documentary evidence of this agenda, both in terms of stated policy intentions and the actual policy initiatives and funding programs set in place in the period 1987-1996. Set against this analysis are elite informants' perspectives on Commonwealth policy-making in this period - how quality was conceptualised as a policy construct and as a policy solution, the influences on Commonwealth policies for schools, whether there was a 'quality agenda' and how that agenda was constructed and implemented. Informants generally perceived quality as a diffuse, but all-encompassing concept which had symbolic and substantive value as a policy construct. In the context of Commonwealth schools' policies, quality was closely associated with promoting equity, outcomes, accountability, national consistency in schooling and teacher quality. Promoting the quality of 'teaching and learning' in Australian schools took on particular significance in the 1990s through a number of national policy initiatives brokered by the Commonwealth government. An exploration of policy processes through interview data reveals the multi-layered nature of policy-making in this period, involving key individuals, intergovernmental and national forums. In particular, it highlights the importance of a strong, reformist Commonwealth Minister (John Dawkins), a number of 'policy brokers' within and outside government and national collaboration in constructing and maintaining the Commonwealth's 'quality agenda' for schools. While several Australian education ii policy analysts have described policy-making in this period in terms of 'corporate federalism' (Lingard, 1991, 1998; Bartlett, Knight and Lingard, 1991; Lingard, O'Brien and Knight, 1993), a different perspective emerges from this study on policymaking at the national level. Despite unprecedented levels of national collaboration on matters related to schooling in this period, this research reveals an apparent ambivalence on the part of some elite policy makers towards the Commonwealth's policy agenda and its approach to schools' policy-making within the federal arena. Policy coherence emerged as a relevant issue in this study through analysis of interview data and a review of related Australian and international policy literature. Overall, informants perceived the Commonwealth's quality agenda to be relatively coherent in terms of policy intentions, but much less coherent in terms of policy implementation. Perceptions of Commonwealth domination, state parochialism, rivalry, delaying tactics and a general lack of trust and cooperation between policy players and stakeholders were cited as major obstacles to 'coherent' policy-making. An analysis of informants' views on policy-making in this period highlights features of coherent policy-making which have theoretical and practical significance in the Australian context. This research also demonstrates the benefits of going beyond the study of written policy texts to a richer analysis of recent policy history based on elite interviewing. The wide range of views offered by elite policy makers and stakeholders in this study both confirms and challenges established views about policy-making in the period 1987-1996. Elite interviewing lent itself to a grounded theory approach to data collection and analysis (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Strauss and Corbin, 1998). This approach was significant in that it allowed relevant issues to emerge in the process of research, rather than relying on 'up front' theoretical frameworks for the analysis of data.