The Internet represents an abundant source material for linguistic research, which continues to pose new challenges and opportunities on how language is used by its speakers. Its personal naming system, for example, has remained largely unexplored. Of the many facets of names on the Internet awaiting closer scrutiny, the phenomenon of usernames is perhaps the most fundamental. This thesis investigates the role they play in online life, the most suitable methods to approach them, and how they compare with the names used offline and where their place is in onomastics in general. With people’s names inevitably connected with one or another aspect of identity, this work focuses on the relationship between usernames and online identities. The data has been gathered from a forum on the Russian-speaking sector of the Internet (RuNet) and comprises all registered usernames (676 at the time of collection) as well as an extensive and methodically selected sample of users’ conversations. As a general analytical framework, it utilises Garfinkel’s (1967) ethnomethodology, which conceptualises identity as a result of the ongoing interaction that people negotiate and achieve in everyday life rather than a set of inherent inner qualities. More specifically, the following methodological tools devised by Sacks (e.g. 1995, 1984a, 1984b) have been used to perform the analysis: Membership Categorisation Analysis (MCA) to categorise the usernames of the forum participants, and Conversation Analysis (CA), to observe how usernames contribute to the construction of individual identities. Finally, the concept of Stance, as presented by Du Bois (2007), has been used as a lens to identify relevant evidence in the conversation samples. The analysis has demonstrated the need for a systematic categorisation of usernames. The way in which they associate sets of attributes, facilitates the allocation of named entities as members of certain categories of persons. Both linguistic and typographic elements of usernames contribute to how they are perceived and what impression they create. It is also argued that usernames have an important role to play in the active and ongoing construction of individual identities. The study concludes that CMC participants operate their usernames as meaningful linguistic devices to construct and co-construct each other’s identities. CA and MCD are confirmed to be relevant methods to analyse onomastic data. This study has generated a reliable body of evidence for the assertion that usernames are far from meaningless, and demonstrates, moreover, how their meanings are established. In so doing, it constitutes an important contribution to onomastic theory with the potential to shed new light on personal naming in general.

In the end of the nineteenth century, the difficulties in resolving the puzzle of the source of the Gothic month name jiuleis and its cognates led Tille to suggest searching for a solution outside the sphere of the Germanic languages. In this article I argue that the ultimate source of the Gothic word and its cognates is the Biblical term jubilee. I also argue that the word is a nomen sacrum (a sacred name) and, as such, an abbreviation.

Toward the end of World War I the name of the post office station "Germantown" at Germantown, Glenn County, California, was changed to "Artois" which eventually resulted in the name change of the village itself to Artois. This paper compares current present-day accounts of the incidents leading to the post office name change with the actual course of events as they could be reconstructed from contemporary 1918 newspaper reports. It continues to trace the change as it shifted to the name of the township itself and concludes with a second look at the present-day accounts of the past historical events. / Gegen Ende des Ersten Weltkrieges wurde in Germantown, Glenn County, Kalifornien, die Poststation "Germantown" in "Artois" umbenannt, welches dann zu der Namensänderung des Dorfes selbst führte. Die folgende Untersuchung vergleicht Berichte über die Umbenennung des Postamtes, wie sie heute in Glenn County gängig sind, mit Berichterstattungen damaliger Regionalzeitungen. Die Erörterungen verfolgen weiter, wie der Namenswechsel auf die Gemeinde Germantown übergriff, und kehren abschließend zu den gegenwärtigen historischen Berichten zurück.

In their primary use names are inherently defi nite, but they also have various secondary uses where this inherent defi niteness is lost. One such use is to identify an individual or place having relevant properties of the bearer of another name (e.g. We make Singapore Boston of the East or Paul Grootboom is the Tarantino of the townships). The examples make sense only if we know the source referents (Boston and Tarantino) and then establish a metaphorical relationship with the target referents (Singapore and Paul Grootboom). Thus, names are used as an economical way of referring to the transferred properties which are associated with the name bearer. Metaphors in general are selective and highlight particular aspects of the source and target referents while hiding others. Based on a survey including examples from multiple sources and informants with diff erent backgrounds, I want to explore some of the issues that metaphorically used names raise. In particular, I show that a cultural dimension is refl ected a) in the use of local or non-local source referents and b) in the knowledge about the source referent that is evoked in a given discourse context.

In Thuringia and Hesse, considerable documentary evidence of the field name Eisfeld can be found. Localities so designated mostly lie close to settlements and bodies of water; they are usually less appropriate for agriculture. Their location and use, as well as phonetic reasons, suggest a compound with OHG âʒ ‘food, cattle feed’. Probably the original appellative noun OHG âʒifeld mostly designated pasture ground in the vicinity of settlements. Because some of these localities lay within settlements as early as in the Middle Ages, names of the Eisfeld type seem to be quite ancient. Documentary evidence from Bavaria, Austria and Switzerland shows that these terms also occur in Upper German, and there are indications of the same in Dutch.

The Nienburg fragment, named after Nienburg Monastery from where it originated around 1180, starts with a problematic list of several place names as Lighinici, Zrale, Crocovva, Cotibus, that have been implicitly connected so far to Kraków (Poland), to Liegnitz / Legnica as well as to Strehlen / Strzelin in Silesia, and to Cott bus in Lower Lusatia. The authors follow the historian Rudolf Lehmann in his assumption that these places were former stops along the way thus linking Zrale to Strehla on the River Elbe, Crocovva to the desolate Krakau at Königsbrück on the River Pulsnitz. Lighinici, which hasn’t been located yet, can be placed with the help of linguistic research to the desolate place Leichen (Lichen) near Dürrenberg on the River Saale (Sachsen-Anhalt). The number of place-names that include ‚Kirche’ (church) and ‚Markt’ (market) seems like a kind of travel-guide leading from the monastery at Nienburg to its holdings in Lower Lusatia.

Handbooks often insist on the popularity of male and female names from the Old Testament after the Reformation. Studies on name-giving practice in Westfalia by Michael Simon, in the Upper Palatinate by Rudolf KleinÖder and in the small town of Maulbronn in the Southwest of Germany by Horst Naumann and Konstantin Huber do not confi rm this assumption, neither does our own analysis of the names contained in the inscriptions of three graveyards in Nuremberg dating from 1581 to 1608 sustain this opinion. It is worth mentioning that Nuremberg adopted the Reformation in 1525. Our material clearly shows that the Reformation did not bring immediately a new way of personal naming and that Old Testament names were neither numerous nor very frequent.

Im Heft 97 der Namenkundlichen Informationen hat Karlheinz Hengst 2010 einen Überblick über 100 Jahre Namenforschung am Institut für Slavistik an der Universität Leipzig gegeben. Dem seien einige Bemerkungen zum germanistischen Anteil hinzugefügt.

Alpine Berge sind in der Regel gewaltige Gebilde, die man nicht wie einen Acker, eine Wiese, ein Waldstück, eine Geländeform oder einen Bach einfach benennen kann, denn solche Kleinelemente sind ja in der Regel nur Teile des Gesamtgebildes Berg, das keine persönlichen Eigentümer hat und das sich nicht einer einzigen Art von Bewirtschaftung fügen wird.

Seit Jahren steige ich am Magdeburger Hauptbahnhof ein und aus. Wenn dann die Ansage kommt, man sei in Magdeburg, kann man immer wieder bei einigen Fahrgästen ein ironisches Grinsen erkennen. Warum? Nun, in dem bei der Deutschen Bahn offenbar zentral erstellten Ansagetext wird Magdeburg mit langem -a- gesprochen, so wie auch das Wort Magd im Allgemeinen im Hochdeutschen artikuliert wird. Dieses kleine Beispiel ist für die Frage nach der Herkunft und Bedeutung des Ortsnamens Magdeburg von einiger Bedeutung, zeigt es doch, dass der Ortsname natürlich mit dem Wort Magd in Verbindung gebracht wird. Man spricht in derartigen Fällen bekanntlich von volksetymologischen Umdeutungen oder – vor allem in der Leipziger Onomastik – von (scheinbarer) sekundärer semantischer Motivierung. Im Fall von Magdeburg ist die Annahme, es liege das Wort Magd zugrunde, in fast einmaliger Weise seit Jahrhunderten nachgewiesen.