Because of its trademark racial diversity, historians have often presented New Orleans as a place transformed by incorporation into the American South following 1804. Assertions that a comparatively relaxed, racially ambiguous Spanish slaveholding regime was converted into a two-caste system of dedicated racial segregation by the advent of American assumption have been posited by scholars like Frank Tannenbaum, Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, and a host of others. Citing dependence on patronage, concubinage, and the decline in slave manumissions during the antebellum period, such studies have employed descriptions of the city’s prominent free people of color to suggest that the daily lives of non-whites in New Orleans experienced uniform restriction following 1804, and that the Crescent City’s transformation from Atlantic society with slaves to rigid slave society forced free people of color out of the heart of the city, known as the Vieux Carré, and into “black neighborhoods” on the margins of town. Despite the popularity of such generalized themes in the historiography, however, the extant sources housed in New Orleans’s valuable archival repositories can be used to support a vastly divergent narrative. By focusing on individual free people of color, or libres, rather than the non-white community as a whole, this paper seeks to show that free people of color were self determined in both public and private aspects of daily life, irrespective of governmental regime, and that their physical presence and political agency were not entirely eroded by the change in administration. Through evaluation of the geography of free black-owned properties listed in the city’s notarial archives, as well as baptisms, births, deaths, and marriages listed in archdiocese ledgers, I show that the family and community lives of free people of color in New Orleans’ oldest neighborhood appeared alive and well throughout the territorial period.

This thesis depicts the growth and history of New Orlens before 1860 as it was seen by vistors from the outside.

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An organizational analysis of the Christian Woman's Exchange and the Hermann-Grima Historic House with an emphasis on the organizational history, organizational structure, programming, and funding. Includes organizational goals and objectives, an internship description with an impact analysis, and recommendations for the future.

During September through December 1994 I completed an internship with Christmas in October, an organization that uses volunteers and donated cash and supplies to paint and repair the homes of low-income elderly and/or handicapped homeowners in New Orleans. CIO is a program of the Preservation Resource Center of New Orleans, a historic preservation organization dedicated to promoting and preserving the architecture and neighborhoods of New Orleans. I performed a variety of jobs for Christmas in October including assisting with the daily operation of the office and warehouse, working on promotion and public relations, shooting photographs, and writing a plan for CIO's 1995 promotional campaign. This report discusses my experiences while I worked with the CIO staff and volunteers, discusses some managerial problems that I encountered and makes recommendations for their improvement. I also discuss my short and long-term contributions to the organization.

This paper demonstrates the overall success of bringing non-traditional audiences to a New Orleans Museum of Art (NOMA) exhibition, "Passionate Visions of the American South: Self-Taught Artists from 1940 to the Present." It also highlights the success of some of its public programs. However, the process of attracting these audiences to the museum falls short in its attempts at developing long-term relationships with NOMA. The first chapter provides historical background on NOMA and offers an overview of the "Passionate Visions" project. Chapter Two describes, in relative detail, the project's community outreach component and implementation of its public programs. It closes with an analysis of short range and long term impacts. The final chapter further analyzes the project experience, inclusive of the management style of the project director, issues surrounding conflict of interest and ethics, and the degree of NOMA's commitment, or lack thereof, to long-term non-traditional audience inclusiveness.

William C. C. Claiborne found himself a stranger in a strange land. Almost more a colonial governor of a European power rather than an American statesman, Claiborne grappled with maintaining a militia force for the Territory of Orleans, now the present day state of Louisiana. He built upon the volunteer companies he found within the city of New Orleans, but had little success molding the entire militia into an effective, efficient military force. Claiborne, hoping to use the fear generated by the January 1811 slave revolt to spur militia reform, maintained an active correspondence with the state's legislators, the area's military commanders, the members of the Louisiana congressional delegation, and even the President of the United States for assistance with militia matters. Ultimately, Claiborne failed and the British attack on New Orleans in 1814/1815 made the matter of reform academic.

In summer of 2012 archaeological excavations were conducted at the Iberville Housing Projects in New Orleans, Louisiana. The excavations were conducted in order to gather archaeological data pertaining to the site’s history as part of New Orleans’ notorious vice district, Storyville. During excavation a cache of 765 turquoise glass seed beads was uncovered along the east wall of Test Unit #1. The cache, found at a depth of around 83 cm below the ground surface, suggests, in conjunction with other artifacts found at this level, that the beads were deposited at the site between 1810 and 1830. This cache of seed beads is unique at the site both in its context and in the quantity of beads that were found. The presence of the bead cache suggests that there may have been an active trading economy at the site, as beads similar to those found at the Iberville site are important elements in informal economies of the eighteenth century. This paper discusses the possibility that an alternative or informal reciprocal, non-cash based economy was in operation on the periphery of New Orleans in the early nineteenth century.

The following internship report is an overview of the Contemporary Arts Center (CAC). As a requirement of the Arts Administration Graduate Program at the University of New Orleans, I completed a 480-hour internship spanning three months in the center’s development and membership department. This report combines observational research with the knowledge gained from my studies and subjective research to provide an analysis of the CAC’s current position, strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats, and provides recommendations on how the center can address specific issues with operations and financial management in order to grow as an organization in the future.

This report accounts my time spent as an intern with French Quarter Festivals, Inc. from March 2013 through August 2014. FQFI, a nonprofit 501(c)(3) organization in New Orleans, Louisiana, began with French Quarter Festival in 1984 and now produces three festivals each year. This paper seeks to discuss how the organization has changed over time, examine the structure of FQFI in its current state, and make recommendations for FQFI as they continue to “promote the Vieux Carré and the City of New Orleans through high quality special events and activities that showcase the culture and heritage of this unique city, contribute to the economic well being of the community, and instill increased pride in the people of New Orleans.”