From the historical point of view, the overseas Chinese was contributory to the Republic of China: not only with respect of lasting traditional culture and holding national consciousness, but also with respect of politics, that is, assisting diplomacy, no matter official or unofficial. However, the overseas Chinese became doubtful about the policies of the new Government, governed by the D.P.P. since 2000, putting the People's Republic of China aside in making policies to serve for its ideology of Taiwan independence, and so making its policies themselves bonded by the ideology and the backward relationship between R.O.C. and P.R.C. On the contrary, different from the period of the Culture Revolution, the attitude of Chinese abroad to P.R.C. has been changed from rejection to acceptance since 1980s. Because of the open policies, the Mainland China works on protecting its foreign residents and to release the customs inspection especially for studying abroad, in order to promote interflow on international trade, information, and culture. And, it spreads Chinese language and Sinology by taking advantage of its highly economic development. The P.R.C. hence gradually be accepted by the overseas Chinese all over the world. To contrast foreign residents' policies of R.O.C. with P.R.C., it changed a lot recently. As a result, the foreign residents' recognition of nation and culture is toward the Mainland China gradually. Therefore, policies of Chinese abroad are much more important than ever. In my opinion, most researches, which focus on the overseas Chinese history, immigration, or the criticism and suggestion of recent policies, do not inquire into the political reasons behind policies and do not evaluate the possible effect from policies, neither. The immigration in the era of globalization is more common than before. Lots of new overseas Chinese immigrate into many different countries around the world to exploit new fields of diplomacy, affairs, and education concerning nationals living abroad. The contradiction is that the intercourse among the cross-strait people is improved, but the official contact is demoted. I think the Government has to establish a cooperative institution for the cross-strait relationship, e.g., a community of the same culture, democratic consciousness, or economic cooperation, then it can fulfill the need of foreign residents.

A Comparative Study of Operation of Overseas Schools of Taiwan and USA Tsen-Fei Lin Abstract The study was designed to achieve two goals¡Gthe first was to discuss the background, the actual state, and the problems of overseas Taiwan schools and overseas American schools. Second goal was to compare the operation of overseas Taiwan schools and overseas American schools. In order to achieve the above aims, the researcher adopted Bereday¡¦s comparative studies as the major research method, and assisted with the method of documentary analysis and semi-structured interview. Firstly, to describe and interpret the development of subjects containing Chinese Taipei School (Penang), Jakarta Taipei school, Chinese Taipei School (Kuala Lumpur), Surabaya Taipei International School, Taipei School in Ho Chi Minh City, and the American-Sponsored Overseas Schools. Secondly, for the comparison and analysis, to use the nine comparative points including the background of schools¡¦ establishment, the property of schools, the board of directors, enrollment, faculties, curriculum, finances, facilities, and encountering problems. Thirdly, the researcher proposed four tentative conclusions¡G 1. For Taiwan and America, the operation of overseas schools is getting institutionalized. 2. Because of the distinctive environment, students in overseas Taiwan schools and overseas American schools have different performances when compared with native students. 3. Students from overseas Taiwan schools and overseas American schools choose to enter a higher school of centre countries. 4. Because of centralization, overseas Taiwan schools have less autonomy. To support the four hypotheses above, the researcher concluded the following fix finding¡G 1. The goal of establishment of overseas Taiwan schools and overseas American schools is to satisfy the need of their people and country. 2. The operation of overseas Taiwan schools and overseas American schools is full of autonomy and diversity. 3. Overseas American schools have more autonomy when compared with overseas Taiwan schools. 4. The encountering problems of overseas Taiwan schools and overseas American schools are almost similar. 5. The operation of overseas American schools is more institutionalized than overseas Taiwan schools. 6. The management of overseas Taiwan schools and overseas American schools can develop their own school-based curriculum. Finally, suggestions were proposed to the education authorities, schools and for future research.

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Following the violent crackdown on students demonstrating in Tiananmen Square in June 1989, tens of thousands of sympathetic ethnic Chinese and nationals of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from across the globe (hereafter described as the Overseas Chinese or OC1) unified in protest against the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). While some were too afraid to speak out, others were much more critical and antagonistic by calling for democratic reform on the mainland.2 Fearing an escalation of anti-CCP sentiment amongst a diaspora crucial to its national interests, Beijing promptly intensified qiaowu gongzuo (hereafter described as qiaowu or OC work) to deal with the precarious situation. It employed a foreign legion of diplomats, attaches from various government ministries and specialist qiaowu cadres to aggressively manage and control strategic OC communities under a comprehensive set of influential tools and persuasive techniques.3 Over the next two decades, the CCP continually developed and improved qiaowu to the extent that it had become more successful with these methods in the current period than any other era – particularly so with new migrants and PRC students. Such prowess became apparent in 2008, when large numbers of the OC again took to the streets in heated protest. This time their response was not in defiance of the regime, but in strong support of China and its leaders. How has qiaowu been able to influence and manage the OC in this way? Why have qiaowu efforts worked with such success? Why has the CPP become so confident in advancing OC work since the crisis of 1989? This thesis explains the nature and development of qiaowu, details its specific work methods, and analyzes the platforms employed to advance relations with the OC diaspora. By assessing a wide range of Chinese language references, primary source policy documents and internal memoranda, this thesis argues that over decades of counter-efforts from rival political factions, gradual cultural assimilation, changes in OC demographics, technology and the international geo-political climate, qiaowu has served as an accomplished and necessary component of the CCP’s modernized propaganda and thought work system for influencing, managing and unifying a heterogeneous population of OC for Beijing’s national interests.

The effect of government intervention on business is a longstanding topic in political economy. One of the interesting cases is in recent China, where “socialism with Chinese characteristics” is associated with three decades of rapid economic growth. However, many doubt the sustainability of the “dual-track” approach applied in China, which tries to combine “market track” and “planned track” and achieve national goals without sacrificing firm-specific efficiency. This thesis investigates how the “market economy model dominated by political capital” works in Chinese OMAs. We look at Chinese overseas M&As in the period of 1994-2009. It is a good example because 80% of Chinese overseas M&A took place after China’s “Go Global” policy, and approximately half of the executors are state-owned enterprises. We test whether China’s Go Global policy affected shareholders’ wealth while pursuing government’s long-term goals of strategic resource-seeking and industry restructuring. The results show that Chinese OMAs achieved significantly positive performance in the short-run. However, performance decreased and became statistically insignificant over a longer three-year horizon. We find no evidence in the short-run responses of markets that the Go Global policy sacrificed shareholder wealth. However, we find OMAs by state-owned enterprises significantly underperformed private enterprises in the three years following completion of the deal. And there is evidence OMA performance varied across different sectors in the before and after policy periods. We also develop a generalized event study approach that pools multi-listings in event samples and “weights” individual listings by the new information they provide. We think this approach can be applied to other empirical studies in international/emerging markets settings.

The thesis uses Bangladesh as a model to test a "dependence paradigm". It posits that the sudden influx of resources that foreign aid brings does not necessarily lead to the social development and equitable economic growth which might have been expected because micro-economic forces tend to predominate over conventional macro-economic development theory. Instead it results in increasing inequity. The government and upper classes divert the largest proportion of the resources being provided and use them for reasons other than that for which they were meant. More inequitable distribution of income in turn justifies the continued need for foreign aid. The aid provided, justified by poverty, becomes a necessary part of the government's resources, discouraging domestic resource mobilisation and self-reliance. The dimensions of poverty and the nature and evidence of the country's dependence are reviewed. As the amount of aid "appropriated" increases, the government is increasingly dependent on its continuation and more constrained by the conditions attached to it by the donors. The paper then goes on to explain that foreign aid donors tolerate this diversion of aid resources because they measure the results of aid in terms of quantity, not quality. Nor are they prepared to provide adequate means by which to plan, administer, monitor and evaluate the use to which aid is put. The quality of aid is not an issue that serves either their domestic needs or foreign policy objectives. The successes in Bangladesh are shown to be attributable either to market forces or to foreign aid which does not lend itself to diversion by the upper classes. Some comparisons show that the phenomenon of a "resource windfall" leading to "appropriation" by the upper classes exists in other countries and is not unique to Bangladesh. The study concludes that unless appropriate aid is provided with sound ad-ministration, which uses, to the fullest, available expertise in the country, then increasing inequity and dependence are bound to result.

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This study involves an exploration of the perceptions of four overseas Kenyan students about their educational experiences at La Trobe University. A related aim of this research is to find out how these four students� previous learning in Kenya affects their learning and living experiences in Australia, for instance, in terms of demands associated with differences in learning and teaching styles, cultural expectations and proficiencies in English. A non-positivist, qualitative methodology is adopted for this research which employs an interview-based case study approach. Qualitative research demands that the world be approached with the assumption that nothing is trivial and that everything has the potential of being a clue which might unlock more comprehensive understanding of what is being researched. While the findings of this study confirm current understandings of the issues that international students commonly face, they also provide a more complex and individualized picture of the needs and aspirations of overseas Kenyan students. As the case studies demonstrate, the academic and related challenges four Kenyan students have encountered at La Trobe University are best understood in relation to several contexts. The difficulties these international students have experienced in the context of transition or border crossing � between two countries, cultures and educational systems � were exacerbated by inadequate pre-departure preparation and orientation on arrival. Incongruities between two educational systems � in particular between their prior teacher-centred schooling in Kenya and the unfamiliar student-centred university education in Australia � colour the academic and related challenges such students struggle to address, at least in their initial year at University. The broader, global context of the commodification and marketization of higher education � along with increasing strains of an under-resourced university sector in Australia � also impinge upon the lives of these four La Trobe students, in a variety of ways.