Thesis (doctoral)--University of London, 1987. / BLDSC reference no.: DX189512.

Zugl.: Göttingen, Univ., Diss., 2008

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1921. / Vita. Bibliography: p. [83]-89.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2002. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Available also from UMI Company.

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No description available.

The Israelites of the New Universal Covenant are a New Religious Movement founded in 1968. A presentation of the Inca Empire, the Spanish Conquest of Peru, the subsequent colonial period and post-independence era acts as background to a global understanding of the Israelites. Israelite membership is drawn from Andean Indians who came to be open to religious change in the twentieth century. Ideas on indigenism coupled with social reforms, urbanization, and migrations led to a greater Andean self-identity and preparation for membership in the newly formed religion. An idealized view of the Inca past (encapsulated in the <i>Inkarri </i> myth) and a return of the same is envisaged as part of the solution for the Indian. These elements combined with the Indians' interaction with other Christian traditions (folk Catholicism with segments of Protestantism) to produce the Peruvian Israelites and the concept of Privileged Peru. The thesis traces the life of Ezequiel Ataucusi Gamonal (the Israelite founder), through folk Catholicism, 'miraculous' experiences, to membership in the Seventh-Day Adventist Church (when a migrant worker in the Jungle), contact with other Protestant groups, to the foundation of the Peruvian Israelites and through their subsequent history. The Israelite religion functions within a harmonious system of 'seven pillars of wisdom'. The pillars are the five feasts of Trumpets, Passover,Pentecost, Cabins and the Day of Expiation, with the weekly Sabbath and the Thousand Year Reign of Christ. Israelites are not a by-form of either Catholicism, Protestantism or Judaism, nor a political party in a religious guise. Ezequiel represents a new Christ-figure who interprets the Bible to offer salvation and a place in this world to Andean Indians, and the promise of entry into the Thousand Year Reign of Christ through observing the Israelite laws and through his own future death and resurrection.

The work at hand traces the trajectory of one particular iteration of decolonization praxis, from its origins in pre-colonial Andean thought through to the consciously traditional collective life being forged by six Quechua communities in Qosqo, Perú. It diverges from other investigations of Indigenous praxes by undertaking a purposefully non-comparative analysis of both the concepts and strategies employed, as well as of the consonances and tensions between the two. The case study detailed here offers a rebuttal to prior theories of an Indigenous political absence in the Peruvian highlands through offering evidence of a uniquely Andean place-based politics. It details efforts to revitalize and repatriate the cultural landscape of the Quechua ayllu, drawing on a variety of tactics to assert the primacy of the relationship between Andean Peoples and Andean lands. This is decolonization as relocalization, wherein the near-ubiquitous ‘local’ of non- and anti-state discourses is reconceptualised as ‘emplacement.’ / Graduate

No description available.

This thesis analyses the process of social construction of women's citizenship rights in Peru under the regime of Alberto Fujimori (1990--2000). It builds on an existing body of literature on democratization and women's movements in Latin America, to develop an understanding of the forms of women's mobilization under new democratic regimes and the impact of the pattern of state-society relations on the advancements and losses in women's citizenship rights. More specifically, it shows that the 1990s witnessed a significant range of advances in women's civil and political rights, while social and economic rights suffered serious reversals. It is argued that the strategies and opportunities of different sectors of the women's movement in Peru, as well as the objectives pursued by the state under Fujimori's rule, combined to generate this evolution of women's citizenship. The forms of mobilization of these different sectors followed the course of their own constraints and choices, while they were also importantly shaped by the broader political framework: a neopopulist model of political rule together with the implementation of a neoliberal program of structural adjustment and liberalization. The influence of a set of international factors also contributed to structuring the political incentives and resources of the different actors involved in the social construction of women's citizenship in Peru. The thesis concludes that the democratic or authoritarian nature of the political regime as such cannot explain the pattern of construction of women's citizenship rights, as witnessed by an increased space of women in the public sphere and advances in civil and political rights under the restricted version of political democracy which characterized most of Fujimori's rule. Contrary to the literature on other Latin American women's movements, which detected a marginalization of women's movements in the political sphere following the transitions to d