Na nossa vida, determinados gestos e palavras passam a ser estranhos e passíveis de serem destacados, julgados, diagnosticados. Examinamos o percurso expansionista dos aprisionamentos da vida, seus elementos constitutivos no social. Retiramos do cotidiano e da vivência profissional em duas instituições de contenção estatais, práticas recorrentes que constroem visagens dos desvios dos ditos loucos e dos ditos delinquentes. Entendemos que as instituições tendem a cumprir suas funções presas a determinados estereótipos, padrões e reafirmam e corroboram significâncias e subjetivações encerradas em visagens que exacerbam evidências, punições, vinganças e controles. Vivemos numa sociedade de controle, cujos interstícios são operados por instituições disciplinares postas a normalizar a vida através de medidas voltadas à aquisição de disciplinas, para fixar em aparelhos de produção, através de punições e recompensas. Constitui um plano de pensamento definido por normas que ligam entre si os indivíduos pertencentes ao aparelho de produção. Aos que não conseguem se enquadrar nestes aparelhos, resta a prisão, o hospital ou a solidão. / In our life, certain gestures and words become awkward and likely to be distinguished, judged, diagnosed. We examine the expansionary path of life imprisonment, its constituent elements in the social body. We remove from daily and professional experience in two institutions of state contention, recurring practices that form grimaces of digression of those considered insane and offenders. We understand that institutions tend to fulfill their duties attached to certain stereotypes, patterns and reaffirm and support significance and subjectivities restrained to grimaces that exacerbate evidence, punishment, revenge and controls. We live in a society of control, whose interstices are operated by disciplinary institutions set to normalize life through measures focused on acquisition of disciplines to concentrate on production apparatus through punishments and rewards. It constitutes a thought plan defined by rules that interconnects the individuals belonging to the production apparatus. Those who fail to fit these apparatus, are left with prison, hospital or loneliness.

Essa pesquisa objetivou analisar a trajetória das políticas públicas de Educação Especial, no Brasil, no período 2003-2014, verificando as contradições, limites e avanços, assim como as concepções de inclusão dos sujeitos que interagem na formulação dessas políticas. A abordagem de pesquisa adotada foi análise documental, na perspectiva do materialismo histórico dialético, de publicações feitas pelos sujeitos coletivos envolvidos na passagem das políticas de Educação Especial para o campo das políticas de inclusão. Verificamos que, no movimento em que as políticas de Educação Especial passam para o campo das políticas de inclusão, estavam envolvidos sujeitos coletivos (movimentos sociais protagonizados pelas pessoas com deficiência, organismos internacionais, governo federal e instituições privado-assistenciais) com diferentes concepções de inclusão. Nessa trajetória, evidenciaram-se três principais contradições, que compõem a atual política de Educação Especial Inclusiva: a ampliação do direito com a precarização do direito, ou seja, as pessoas com deficiência passaram a ter acesso à escola regular pública, mas com menos tempo de atendimento especializado e sem a modificação estrutural e pedagógica da escola para acolhê-las; ampliação das vagas às pessoas com deficiência em escolas públicas e, ao mesmo tempo, a ampliação do financiamento público a instituições privadas, através de convênios de prestação de serviço de atendimento educacional especializado ou da compra de vagas em escolas especiais exclusivas; a política garante a acessibilidade física e tecnológica através das salas de recursos multifuncionais, no entanto, não promove a garantia de currículo adaptado, capacitação de profissionais, nem a redução de alunos por turma do ensino regular com inclusão. A concepção de inclusão presente nas políticas públicas de Educação Especial é pouco profunda (não considera a gênese da exclusão), atrelada a matrícula, ao ingresso no ensino regular e à preocupação com a inserção no mercado de trabalho e no mercado consumidor. Essa concepção deriva da ideologia conservadora de que a maior participação na lógica da produção da sociedade capitalista permite o fim da exclusão ou da desigualdade. Evidenciamos em nossas análises que a desigualdade é inerente à sociedade capitalista, ou seja, o capitalismo a produz e precisa dela para se reproduzir. Assim, ampliar a participação nesta lógica contribui para a manutenção da ordem e não rompe com a produção das desigualdades. Da mesma forma, a inclusão escolar mantém a produção e reprodução da exclusão na educação e não rompe com a desigualdade presente historicamente na área. / This study was aimed to analyze the trajectory of Special Education public policies in Brazil, from 2003-2014, verifying their contradiction, limitations and advances as well as the conceptions of inclusion of subjects that interact in the elaboration of these policies. The research approach was qualitative, performed through documentary analysis, in the perspective of dialectical historical materialism, of publications written by the collective subjects involved in the passage of Special Education policies to the field of inclusive policies. We verified that, in the movement in which Special Education policies transfer to the field of inclusive policies, collective subjects were involved (social movements protagonized by peoples with disabilities, international organisms, federal government and private-care institutions) with different concepts of inclusion. In this trajectory, it was evidenced three main contradictions that compose the current Inclusive Special Education policy: the magnification of the right with the precariousness of this right, which means that subjects with disabilities were granted access to the regular public school, but with less time of specialized care and without structural and pedagogical modifications on the school that received them; expansion of vacancies for people with disabilities in public schools and, at the same time, an increase in the public funding to private institutions through service provision agreements of specialized educational services or the purchase of vacancies in exclusive special schools; the policy allows physical and technological accessibility by means of multi-functional resources; nevertheless, it does not promote any guarantee of an adapted curriculum, training of professionals, or the reduction in the number of students by class in the inclusive regular education. The conception of inclusion present in the public policies of Special Education is shallow (it does not consider the genesis of exclusion), and is linked to the registration and admission in the regular education, and to the concern with the insertion on the labor market and consumer market. This conception comes from the conservative ideology that greater participation in the logic of production of the capitalist society allows the end of exclusion and inequality. Our analyses evidenced that the inequality is inherent in capitalist society, that is, capitalism produces it and needs it to reproduce. Therefore, expanding the participation in this logic contributes to the maintenance of order and it does not break with the production of inequalities. In the same way, scholar inclusion maintains the production and reproduction of exclusion in the education and does not break with the inequality historically observed in the field.

Social Disorganization Theory (SDT) stated that in poor and unstable neighbourhoods, residents may have difficulty developing and maintaining social order, due to the weaknesses of their social networks and the infrequent exercise of informal control. As a consequence, in those areas criminal victimization tends to be high and persists over time. Latin American poor neighbourhoods are often characterised by high residential stability, dense informal networks, strong social cohesion, and yet they often have high levels of violent crime, which constitutes a challenge for SDT. Studies from new ecological approaches have asserted that even if informal networks are weak, neighbours can engage in actions to prevent crimes when the form of intervention is appropriately targeted and the activity is conducted in a partnership with agencies of public control, such as the police or local authorities. Thereby, the general distrust in police and local authorities, and the weak nexus between those institutions and local communities, which characterize most poor areas of Latin-American cities, represent relevant obstacles for the encouragement of neighbours' involvement in crime prevention initiatives. Despite the low rates of violent crimes in Chile, global figures tend to hide how complex the crime phenomenon is in the country, and particularly in Santiago city. In the capital and largest city of Chile, the distribution of High-Social-Impact crimes is highly unequal with a greater concentration of violent crimes in the most marginalized and poorest districts of the city. In this context is worth asking, to what extent do neighbourhood structural conditions, community-organizational mechanisms and new forms of public control influence the experiences of violent and property victimization in households of Santiago neighbourhoods? And, to what extent do such mechanisms mediate the relationship between structural conditions and the likelihood of being victim of a crime in Santiago neighbourhoods? To address these questions, the present study draws on an integral theoretical framework aimed at providing a holistic multilevel approach to explaining victimization risk across Santiago neighbourhoods. Data for this study are drawn from a community-survey of 5,860 persons (from 15 to 90 years old) who lived in 242 selected neighbourhoods of the Santiago city. The survey was conducted in 2010 by the Centre for Studies on Citizen Security (CESC), based at the University of Chile, in the context of their research project 'Crime and Urban Violence'. The hierarchical structure of the data (incorporating both individual and neighbourhood level measures) and the adaptation of internationally validated measurements, presents an excellent opportunity to evaluate complex hypothesis with advanced statistical tools. The research has shown that in neighbourhoods with a high concentration of poverty and low residential stability the probability of being a victim of violent crime is greater than in rich areas. However, when people manifest positive sentiments toward their neighbourhood, perceive collaboration and social cohesion among neighbours, and have positive perceptions with respect to police responses, this largely mediates the negative effects of structural conditions on household victimization by violent crimes, thereby eliminating these effects. These findings have important policy implications. They suggest that in disadvantaged communities it is imperative that police and local authorities not only try to reduce crime through traditional approaches, but also improve trust and engagement of the public aiming to build sustainable partnerships.

Based on research involving an overview of 44 policies at Canadian universities and 21 interviews with anti-harassment practitioners across the country, this thesis explores the challenges faced by anti-harassment practitioners working with legally defined institutional harassment discrimination policies. Anti-harassment work at Canadian universities is complex because practitioners must negotiate institutional demands set out in policy as well as politicized demands from members of marginalized groups both inside and outside the institution. Interviews with practitioners reveal that their daily work in reactive investigation and mediation of complaints as well as their proactive work in educating campus communities may support the less powerful parties to complaints, rather than focusing only on limiting the institution’s legal liability. Therefore, although anti-harassment practitioners occupy a boundary role as defined by Fraser (1989), their work is not entirely “depoliticizing”. Practitioners’ identities, sense of marginalization, and commitment to activist politics contribute to their position as tempered radicals as defined by Meyerson and Scully (1995), helping to explain their commitment to both institutional prerogatives and to empowering marginalized members of the institution. The advent of neoliberalism has set the stage for the shift of discourses and practices away from those which value equity to those that underscore traditional divisions of power and challenge the demands of so-called “special interest groups’. This shift is underscored by concerns about “political correctness” that arise within institutional communities and the broader social context. Perhaps the most obvious of the changes relates to the shift from a focus on equity and human rights to what is termed the “respectful workplace model”. The inclusion of personal harassment issues in human rights policies shifts the focus of the policies to issues that are not tied to historical oppressions and can potentially deflect attention from the human rights component of these policies. The challenge is to move beyond a legalistic perspective regarding policy development and to consider changes in the broader social context that influence policy change and the work of anti-harassment practitioners.

The thesis addresses three main problems in the area of user modeling and adaptation in the context of online communities:<p> 1) Dealing with unique and changing user modeling needs of online communities. <p> 2) Involving users in design of the user modeling process.<p> 3) Interoperability of user models across different communities.<p> A new policy based-approach for user modeling is proposed, that allows explicit declarative representation of the user modeling and adaptation process in terms of policies, which can be viewed and edited by users. This policy-based user model framework is implemented in the MCComtella community framework, developed as part of this thesis work, which allows hosting multiple communities, creating new communities by users, and which supports users in setting explicit user modeling policies defining participation rewards, roles and movement of users across communities.

The purpose of this study was to investigate what impact the working capital policies have on the stock performance on the Swedish stock market during the years 2009-2012. Furthermore, the study explores if the firm size or industry of the firms have any impact on the working capital policy and if the theory of risk/return tradeoff indicating that an aggressive policy should generate a higher risk premium holds. This topic is rather unexplored since earlier studies have focused on working capital policies relationship with accounting profit rather than with stock return.In order to come up with answers to the research questions a quantitative research method has been used and data has been collected from the companies listed on the Swedish stock exchanges annual reports and stock prices from the Thomson Reuters Datastream. A database with all numbers and calculations was then constructed in Excel in order to easily transform the numbers into SPSS where the statistical tests where done. As statistical test the Pearson’s correlation was used to find if there is and correlation between working capital and stock return, beta and standard deviation. These tests where then done again but with the companies divided into policies, firm size and sectors.The results of this study show no clear relationship between Swedish firm’s working capital policy and the stock return. Regarding the relation with risk and return, the result indicates that working capital has a significant correlation with risk and that the aggressive policy of managing working capital is more risky. Moreover the size of firms does neither affect the relationship between working capital policies and stock return nor the risk/ return tradeoff. However, when dividing the sample into sectors especially one industry resulted in some standout findings. The industrial sector had significant correlations between level of working capital and risk/return. Concluding, there is no significant relationship between stock performance and working capital policies but after conducting this research we still regard working capital as one important component to take into account both for managers and investors.

The thesis addresses three main problems in the area of user modeling and adaptation in the context of online communities:<p> 1) Dealing with unique and changing user modeling needs of online communities. <p> 2) Involving users in design of the user modeling process.<p> 3) Interoperability of user models across different communities.<p> A new policy based-approach for user modeling is proposed, that allows explicit declarative representation of the user modeling and adaptation process in terms of policies, which can be viewed and edited by users. This policy-based user model framework is implemented in the MCComtella community framework, developed as part of this thesis work, which allows hosting multiple communities, creating new communities by users, and which supports users in setting explicit user modeling policies defining participation rewards, roles and movement of users across communities.

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During Lee Teng-hui¡¦s administration, Lee Teng-hui actually made great influences on Taiwan. After 1988, two sides have entered one changeable pattern, although Taiwan Straits two sides present the estranged state on being interdynamic in every politics of stage. But in the low steps politics , such as the politics of economy and trade, society, culture to demonstrate the atmosphere of the hot twine state. In reviewing a great deal of theories of explaining the trade relationship of two sides, the paper is attempting to analyze the interaction and influence of economic and trade policies of two sides of the Taiwan Straits with western Independence Theory¡BIntegration Theory. However, the paper may involve comparatively sensitive politics in the article. But as we know that it should be unavoidable that a piece of political economy in this country can¡¦t be separated because the political economy is originally an organic whole. As the result of the research, we can find that the two sides during the process of combining split into the interconnected system ' of we and ' alone ' strength, exactly close in politics , has faced alternatives; The degree in non- political fields , such as economy , society , culture , have already moved towards the depth and have been combined. In other words, this paper proposes explaining the situation that how two sides combine with the economy and trade interaction, and it also make systemic arrangement to construct build logical thinking. Finally, we will attempt to find out the formulation of the economic and trade policy in the mainland in the future from the processes and results of studying which playing the part of role and way to make the suggestion and policy in the future!

Taiwan Power Company (the Company) is devoted to the development and operation for the power industry in Taiwan, which is the driving power to Taiwan industry. By the ¡§quality¡¨ analysis of the Company¡¦s organization, changes and innovation, and the ¡§quantity¡¨ analysis of changes of the Company¡¦s operation data (during 2004 to 2008), we discuss the impact and influence on the Company¡¦s operation under Taiwan government¡¦s environmental protection and saving policies in such circumstances of more and more importance on environment issues. We adopt ¡§SWOT¡¨ analysis of the Company¡¦s action to environmental protection policy. On the points of view form two sides, government policy and the Company¡¦s operation, we interview some power industries, academic communities and official communities, and by means of case study to summarize their suggestion to the Company¡¦s strategies for facing environmental protection policy. From the concepts of enhancing power control and reducing operation costs, we put the strategies and action plans for the Company, and hope to ensure its long-term competition advantage.