手稿本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Shou gao ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 468-479). / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / 引言 / Chapter 第一章 --- 北魏宰輔官制概說 --- p.4-68 / Chapter 第一節 --- 北魏宰輔官制發展過程述畧 --- p.4 / Chapter 第二節 --- 北魏宰輔官之名實 --- p.17 / Chapter （1） --- 尚書、中書、門下長官 --- p.17 / Chapter （2） --- 相國、丞相、太宰、三師、三公諸官 --- p.22 / Chapter 第二章 --- 北魏三省職官組織及其行政職責 --- p.69-172 / Chapter 第一節 --- 尚書省職官組織及行政職責 --- p.70 / Chapter 第二節 --- 中書省職官組織及行政職責 --- p.25 / Chapter 第三節 --- 門下省職官組織及行政職責 --- p.133 / Chapter 第三章 --- 北魏三省權勢之發展---三省之相互關系 --- p.173-241 / Chapter 第一節 --- 從北魏三省淵源及權責分配分析 --- p.175 / Chapter 第二節 --- 從職務之改變分析 --- p.193 / Chapter 第三節 --- 從任用方面分析 --- p.198 / Chapter 第四節 --- 從屬官之變遷及升遷情形分析 --- p.205 / Chapter （1） --- 舍人省之設置與中書學之獨立 --- p.205 / Chapter （2） --- 從屬官之升遷情形分析 --- p.211 / Chapter 第五節 --- 北魏三省權勢發展之分期 --- p.213 / Chapter 第四章 --- 北魏宰輔之權力 --- p.242-312 / Chapter 第一節 --- 北魏宰輔權力之分析（一）---與君主之關係 --- p.242 / Chapter （1） --- 就權力行使方式而論 --- p.243 / Chapter （2） --- 從君權與相權之傾軋畧論末期政事之敗壞 --- p.253 / Chapter 第二節 --- 北魏宰輔權力之分析（二）---與群司百官之關係 --- p.263 / Chapter （1） --- 用人權與薦舉權 --- p.264 / Chapter （2） --- 考課與監察、懲罰百官權 --- p.272 / Chapter （3） --- 立法權與刑獄權 --- p.284 / Chapter （4） --- 尚書省與諸卿之關係 --- p.288 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結論 --- p.322-333 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 北魏三省長官年表 --- p.334-467 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 本文引用及參考書目 --- p.468-479

手稿本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Shou gao ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 180-191). / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / 緒論 --- p.1-8 / Chapter 第一章 --- 轉運使設置的由來 / Chapter 第一節 --- 唐代的轉運使 --- p.14-30 / Chapter 第二節 --- 唐末及五代的轉運使 --- p.31-39 / Chapter 第二章 --- 北宋前期的轉運使 / Chapter 第一節 --- 國初的轉運使及其沿革 --- p.45-52 / Chapter 第二節 --- 宋設置轉運使的由來 --- p.53-62 / Chapter 第三節 --- 北宋前期轉運使的類別 --- p.63-81 / Chapter 第三章 --- 北宋前期轉運使的職掌 / Chapter 第一節 --- 轉輸財賦 --- p.87-112 / Chapter 第二節 --- 監察官吏 --- p.113-135 / Chapter 第四章 --- 北宋前期轉運使的任遷 --- p.139-173 / 結論 --- p.175-179 / 中、日文參考書目 --- p.180-191

廖美香. / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1999. / 參考文獻 (leaves i-x, 3rd group) / 附中英文摘要. / Liao Meixiang. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)-- Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999. / Can kao wen xian (leaves i-x, 3rd group) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Chapter 第一章 --- 前言 / Chapter I --- 有關主權的分析問題 / Chapter II --- 文獻回顧 / Chapter 甲 --- 有關北京對台政策 / Chapter 一 --- 大陸方面 / Chapter 二 --- 台灣方面 / Chapter 三 --- 兩岸以外 / Chapter 乙 --- 有關中共主權理論 / Chapter III --- 理論框架 / Chapter IV --- 硏究方法及資料 / Chapter 第二章 --- 中共之主權理論 / Chapter I --- 主權理論起源於西方 / Chapter 甲 --- 對內主權 / Chapter 乙 --- 對外主權 / Chapter II --- 現代西方主權理論 / Chapter III --- 中國傳統之天下觀 / Chapter IV --- 中共之主權觀 / Chapter 甲 --- 中共之主權理論 / Chapter 乙 --- 中共對主權理論之實踐 / Chapter 一 --- 對內主權 / Chapter A --- 政治方面 / Chapter B --- 經濟方面 / Chapter C --- 領土方面 / Chapter 二 --- 對外主權 / Chapter 第三章 --- 北京對台灣政策的歷程與背景 / Chapter I --- 一九四九年至一九五五年：武力解放 / Chapter II --- 一九五五年至一九七八年：和平解放 / Chapter III --- 一九七八年至一九八七年：一國兩制 / Chapter IV --- 一九八八年至一九九五年：三通四流 / Chapter V --- 一九九五年至一九九九年：高層互動 / Chapter 第四章 --- 北京之統一策略 / Chapter I --- 「和平統一」、「一國兩制」 / Chapter II --- 「一國兩制」之具體內容 / Chapter III --- 兩岸交流及談判 / Chapter 第五章 --- 北京涉台外交的處理 / Chapter I --- 中美建交談判過程 / Chapter II --- 中美建交公報內容 / Chapter III --- 中美建交後遺症 / Chapter 甲 --- 《台灣關係法》 / Chapter 乙 --- 對台售武 / Chapter 丙 --- 對台通航 / Chapter 第六章 --- 北京對台灣務實外交的回應 / Chapter I --- 台灣的雙邊外交 / Chapter 甲 --- 台灣雙邊外交槪況 / Chapter 一 --- 美國 / Chapter 二 --- 亞洲 / Chapter 三 --- 歐洲 / Chapter 四 --- 非洲、中美洲、南美洲 / Chapter 乙 --- 北京對台灣雙邊外交的立場 / Chapter II --- 台灣之多邊外交 / Chapter 甲 --- 台灣多邊外交槪況 / Chapter 一 --- 民間性國際組織 / Chapter 二 --- 政府間國際組織 / Chapter 三 --- 國際經濟組織 / Chapter 四 --- 國際政治組織 / Chapter 乙 --- 北京對台灣多邊外交的立場 / Chapter 第七章 --- 北京對台灣的大陸政策及台灣內政發展的回應 / Chapter I --- 台灣的大陸政策 / Chapter II --- 台獨問題 / Chapter III --- 民主化進程 / Chapter 第八章 --- 結論 / Chapter I --- 從國際及國內形勢看不同時期的北京對台政策 / Chapter 甲 --- 七零年代：軟硬兼施 / Chapter 乙 --- 八零年代：由強硬變得鬆動 / Chapter 丙 --- 九零年代：由彈性變得強硬 / Chapter II --- 北京面對新主權觀之挑戰 / Chapter 一 --- 北京反對人權高於國家主權 / Chapter 二 --- 台灣以「人民主權」挑戰北京 / Chapter 三 --- 北京反對主權可分論 / Chapter 四 --- 北京接受主權的部分讓步 / Chapter 五 --- 經濟利益先於國家主權 / Chapter III --- 北京主權觀之特質 / Chapter 一 --- 具「天下觀」之色彩 / Chapter 二 --- 反霸權主義 / Chapter 三 --- 具主次性 / Chapter 四 --- 主權之操作性可以含糊 / Chapter IV --- 北京對台政策堅持主權原則，但有彈性措施 / Chapter V --- 北京對台政策的發展方向 / Chapter VI --- 兩岸對主權的分歧將繼續成爲兩岸關係發展的障礙 / 參考書目 / 附錄 / Chapter 一 --- 中、美「上海公報」 / Chapter 二 --- 中、美建交聯合公報 / Chapter 三 --- 《告台灣同胞書》 / Chapter 四 --- 《台灣關係法》 / Chapter 五 --- 「葉九條」 / Chapter 六 --- 「´八Ø一七」公報 / Chapter 七 --- 《國家統一綱領》 / Chapter 八 --- 《台灣問題與中國的統一》白皮書 / Chapter 九 --- 《台海兩岸關係說明書》 / Chapter 十 --- 「江八點」 / Chapter 十一 --- 「李六點」

The post-war period has witnessed the Speakership of the House of Commons evolving from an important internal parliamentary office into one of the most recognised public roles in British political life. This historic office has not, however, been examined in any detail since Philip Laundy’s seminal work entitled The Office of Speaker published in 1964. This thesis updates Laundy’s work and brings the examination of the Speakership right up to the election of John Bercow as Speaker in June 2009. The manner by which the Speaker is elected and how this process has changed since 1945 is explored as is the way in which a Speaker contests a general election if he or she wishes to remain in office for longer than one parliamentary session. The powers and responsibilities of the Speaker are identified and the way in which these have changed and developed are discussed. Each of the post-war Speakers is examined to see what his or her personal contribution has been to the ongoing development of the office. The thesis concludes with an analysis of how the Speakership is viewed today compared with the start of the period. The office has always been held in high esteem by fellow parliamentarians but now it enjoys similar recognition by the wider general public thanks to the introduction of radio and television broadcasting of the House of Commons. Whilst the task of chairing the debates in the chamber remains the same, a modern Speaker must also rise to the challenge of being a skilled administrator, diplomat and media personality.

The thesis begins with a discussion of the literature on local working-class politics, which includes the work of labour historians, political geographers and locality-study writers. The latter have been especially keen to acknowledge the unique causal powers of the social formations of specific localities and to explore the implications of these for local political behaviour. Nonetheless, locality studies share with other approaches to local politics an interest in class to exclusion of other bases of social action, and a structuralism which denies human agency. The history of Poplar in the 1920s denies such explanatory logic. The Labour Party came to power in the borough in 1919. Yet although the class and economic structure of Poplar was very similar to that of the rest of east London, Poplar Labour Party was unique in the degree of its militancy. In order to explain this radicalism, the thesis turns away from structural analysis and towards cultural interpretation, exploring Poplar's politics in terms of local culture and civil society, focussing on five themes: the politics of class and of gender, the discourses of citizenship, the morality of the neighbourhoods and the religious faiths. The influence of these cultural 'communal sensibilities' on Poplar Labour Party are traced in order to stress the complexity and contingency of the relationship between a locality and its politics. That contingency is further emphasised in the conclusion, which describes the shift in Poplar Labour Party away from a left-wing and participatory form of politics and towards a right-wing and elitist mode as the 1920s progressed. It is concluded that both types of politics were closely linked to Poplar's culture and that, although local culture in all its complexity is vital for the understanding of local politics, there is no necessary relationship between a culture and the form of political expression it may take.

This thesis analyses the development of trade unionism and working class political organisations in Catalonia between 1897 and 1914. Our study of the labour movement has been put within the context of both the structure of Catalan industry, and the response of the state and employer associations to the challenge of labour. The beginnings of the industrial revolution in Catalonia can be traced to the first half of the nineteenth century, when there grew up an important factory -based cotton textile industry. However, Catalan industry was faced with a serious difficulty. Outside Catalonia the Spanish economy remained backward and agrarian based. Demand for capital goods and manufactures was, therefore, low. This handicap slowed the rate of growth, and held up the technological transformation of Catalan industry. None the less, Catalan workers were not unaffected by the advance of capitalist relations of production. In order to cut costs and increase productivity cotton textile industrialists tried to replace male by female labour. Furthermore, in metallurgy and the artisanal trades new machinery was introduced piecemeal, and efforts were made to transform apprenticeship into cheap labour. Strong working class opposition was mobilised against such schemes. However, Catalan unions were faced with state repression and employer intransigence. This made it difficult for the workers to form stable bureaucratic unions which could enter into collective bargaining with employers. This fact had important political implications. It has been argued that the trade union practice of the Socialists was geared to the existence of such federations. The difficulties faced in organising them, therefore, hindered Socialist penetration. Unions in Catalonia were often unstable, and social conflict in much of Catalan industry was severe. This, together with the unwillingness of the state to carry through a serious programme of social reforms, increased working class support for the anarchists and syndicalists, for both anarchists and syndicalists rejected conciliatory wage negotiations and state intervention, and instead favoured the use of direct action and the revolutionary General Strike. By 1914 the Catalan working class was still poorly organised. However, within the unions, it was the supporters of direct action who were in the strongest position. This provided a springboard for the rapid growth of the anarcho-syndicalist labour federation, the CNT, between 1916 and 1919. On the other hand, the inability of the Socialists to gain a strong union base in Catalonia also prevented them from becoming an important political force. As a result, left wing politics remained dominated by middle class led republican parties.

This research on Ecuadorian migrants working in cleaning in Madrid, aims to explore their transnational ties from a gendered perspective. It focuses specifically on the nature of transnational family relationships especially in relation to parenting. The conceptual framework draws from several fields of research including gender and transnational migration, transnational families, masculinities and migration, as well as studies on the low-paid labour market. Theoretically, the thesis argues that a gendered and transnational approach benefits from recent conceptualisations which highlight how gender is both relational and a key constitutive element of migration, but that more research is required on the role of men in the creation and sustainability of transnational families. In bringing together research on transnational families as well as that on migrant workers, this study contributes to the emerging field of gender and transnational migration by analytically disaggregating along the following lines and distinguishing between: productive and reproductive work; domestic and contract cleaning work; and transnational and reunited families. Drawing on a questionnaire survey with 100 respondents and a total of 75 in-depth interviews, among which 33 were conducted with Ecuadorian migrants employed in domestic and contract cleaning in Spain, and 11 with families in Ecuador, the empirical and conceptual contributions suggest that migrant workers experience gains and losses in relation to challenging gender ideologies that is directly tied to the ways in which they construct their familial relationships. On the one hand, migrant workers challenge pre-existing gender norms through migration and by creating alternative family forms, yet on the other hand, they reinforce traditional gender stereotypes through the desire to recreate conventional families through reunification. Overall, this research uncovered the complexities of transnational families and shows that the nature of family life after reunification is as important as the transnationality of families.

Various academic authors have analysed the implementation, the causes and the impact of the permanent campaign strategy by political executives in presidential and parliamentary systems, notably the United States and United Kingdom. This study builds on this literature and extends the research on the permanent campaign in the European parliamentary majoritarian context by examining contemporary Greece as a national case study. In particular, the study addresses three questions. First, did contemporary Greek Prime Ministers adopt the permanent campaign strategy? Second, why did they do so? Third, what impact did the implementation of the permanent campaign have on their public approval? The research focuses on the cases of three successive Prime Ministers in Greece: Costas Simitis (1996–2004), Kostas Karamanlis (2004–2009) and George Papandreou (2009-2011). Simitis and Papandreou were leaders of the centre-left PASOK, while Karamanlis was the leader of the centre-right New Democracy. The study finds that all three Prime Ministers undertook the permanent campaign strategy in order to maintain public approval, aligning themselves with their British and American counterparts. They established new communication units within the primeministerial apparatus, consulted with communication professionals to form a coherent communication strategy, used private polling to shape political strategy, policy and presentation, used campaign-like messages as mottos to promote their policy plans and made public appearances to woo public opinion. In addition, the thesis indicates that the permanent campaign in Greece was a result of the modernisation of political communication due to political and technological developments, such as the decline of political parties, the rise of television and the proliferation of new political technologies that have appeared in other countries as well. However, the results drawn from the data analysis suggest that the 6 prime ministerial permanent campaign hardly affected the prime ministerial approval, confirming the findings of empirical studies in the US and the UK.

This research seeks to establish a more coherent and comprehensive grip on the complex, often chaotic reality being addressed by the policy actors in the process of governance of the historic city centres and the policy coordination entailed by that process. The twofold objective of this research is to increase our understanding of governance of the historic city centres in Serbia, and to identify and explain barriers to and opportunities for policy coordination. In so doing, this research embraces the interpretative paradigm to examine conservation and governance of the historic city centres as a contextualised and subjective process that takes into account what is meaningful to policy actors. This research is important as it highlights the importance of studying the micro-social processes because policy-relevant, organisational learning is situated within ongoing policy-related practices. This research demonstrates the complexity of policy process and the amount of coordination needed to address policy agenda. This research makes three contributions to knowledge. First, it provides interpretation of governance of the historic environment in the new context, namely Serbia. Second, it extends our knowledge of micro-social and micro-political aspects of heritage governance. In so doing, it applies interpretive approaches to explore the research field that has been underresearched. And finally, this research extends our knowledge about the policy coordination in urban governance and governance of the historic environment by identifying a range of factors that combined could inhibit or support an overall effort towards policy coordination.

This study brings new empirical research on sub-state government in contemporary Spain, addressing a gap in the literature concerning the approaches taken and choices made by Autonomous Governments regarding their institutional design. It tests the hypothesis that decentralisation to territories with distinct and different characteristics will result in diversity in public administrative institutions. A multi-method investigation compares the responses of the Junta de Andalucía and the Generalitat de Catalunya to the opportunities of decentralisation and the challenges of the post-2008 economic crisis. It analyses budgets, ministerial and civil servant hierarchies, policies and strategies. It also evaluates the perspectives and statements of key politicians, senior civil servants, academics and trades unionists, obtained through one-to-one interviews carried out in Spain during 2014 and 2015. The research finds that despite recognisable differences in the characteristics of Andalusia and Catalonia, and constitutional recognition of Spain’s nations and nationalities, decentralisation has not resulted in significant divergence between these two Autonomous Governments. Priorities, structures, employment practices and administrative cultures demonstrate more continuities than variation. The constitutional and institutional framework and Spain’s political culture have been shown to reduce the scope for differentiation. This case study highlights the Napoleonic administrative tradition as the most significant influence for homogeneity. Self-identity, strong but distinct in each community, has contributed to a divergence in style and emphasis in the Junta and the Generalitat, and also to dissimilarities in their responses to the economic crisis. This research adds to public administration studies evidence that decentralisation does not necessarily result in variation in governmental institutions at sub-state level. The study concludes that the historical legacy of centralism and in particular the continued influence of the administrative tradition have acted as forces for continuity in the Autonomous Governments of Andalusia and Catalonia.