A pesquisa foi desenvolvida com o intuito de compreender um pouco da inserção dos evangélicos nas instituições políticas brasileiras, em uma tentativa de articular tal fenômeno com o debate sobre a representação partidária. Por que um \"Partido Evangélico\" não foi formado, embora tal grupo eleja uma quantidade expressiva de representantes em grande parte das eleições desde a última Constituinte? O trabalho empírico consistiu no teste da hipótese de inexistência de uma identidade entre os evangélicos que justificasse o fato de um partido político não ter sido criado. Através de um conjunto de dados sobre os eleitores e outro sobre os deputados estaduais de todo o país, não foi observada a presença de posicionamentos distintos, de uma identidade política que tornasse, tanto os eleitores quanto os deputados evangélicos singulares, diferenciados dos demais grupos. Também foi constatada a fragilidade do modelo de formação de partidos a partir de identidades políticas no caso brasileiro, caracterizado pela alta fragmentação partidária e por uma falta de distinção na maioria dos partidos. / This research was developed with the purpose of understanding the insertion of the evangelicals in the Brazilian political institutions, an attempt to articulate such phenomena with the debate on the partisan representation. It\'s puzzling that an \"Evangelical Party\" was not formed even after the expressive amount of elected representatives this group has had since the last Constituent Assembly. Why is it so? The empirical work consisted in testing the hypothesis that there is no common identity among the various evangelical groups that would justify the existence of a political party. Through a data set of the voters and another one of the representatives of the whole country, the presence of distinct positions was not observed. There isn\'t a political identity that would turn the evangelical voters and representatives distinguished from the others groups. This work also evidenced the fragility of the political parties\' formation model based on identities. In the Brazilian case, this is characterized by a high partisan fragmentation and a lack of distinction between most of the many political parties.

<p>The aim of this paper is to empirically examine the ideological trends and positioning of the Swedish liberal party with the Danish social liberal party. This paper also aims to analyze the reasons behind the trends. By examine the development in these two Nordic liberal sisterparties, this paper contributes to our understanding of why and how party change is initiated. The paper commences with an intuitive notion that the Swedish party has in fact, made a lurch towards the right, during the past ten to fifteen years while the Danish party has retained their social-liberal position in the centre of the Danish political spectrum. The questions then asked are: can this hypothesis be verified empirically? If so, how can this phenomenon of divergence, be explained?</p><p>The method used in this thesis is process-tracing and the empirical material does to a large extent rely on interviews with central agents as they are specified in the theory of each party. The starting point of the paper is theory on party change, which identifies the important agents, goals and determinants of party policy.. It rely on rational choice assumption, pays regard to institutional boundaries and is placed somewhere in the category of new institutionalism.</p><p>This thesis argues that it is empirically unquestionable that the Swedish party de facto has made a lurch to the right during the last decade, while the Danish party has shown significant stability in their ideological position. The thesis further argues that the development in the Swedish party can be explained through a shift of primary goals, from policy-seeking toward vote-maximising, while the Danish party’s primary goals have since the beginning of the nineties until now, remained primarily policy-seeking. This explains why their ideological trend has kept a stable course. The paper concludes by stating that the divergent development within the two parties is explainable on the basis of the institutional organisation within each party, together with the different political environments they are occupied in.</p>

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Under what conditions does the Egyptian Society of the Muslim Brothers (SMB) fracture? The 1996 formation of the Wasat party by a group of former Muslim Brothers has attracted significant scholarly attention, although most studies focus on the ideological differences between the groups. By neglecting the organizational angle these studies are unable to explain why some ideological differences lead to group fracture, and why in the case of the SMB this occurred in 1996 and not before. This paper will argue that the SMB splits when high levels of state repression combine with internal organizational conflict, specifically the lack of stable, consultative internal dispute-resolution mechanisms. Empirical tests charting levels of state repression and SMB internal politics throughout the period 1981-2010, covering variation on the dependent, as well as both independent variables, strengthen the theory. / text

A pesquisa foi desenvolvida com o intuito de compreender um pouco da inserção dos evangélicos nas instituições políticas brasileiras, em uma tentativa de articular tal fenômeno com o debate sobre a representação partidária. Por que um \"Partido Evangélico\" não foi formado, embora tal grupo eleja uma quantidade expressiva de representantes em grande parte das eleições desde a última Constituinte? O trabalho empírico consistiu no teste da hipótese de inexistência de uma identidade entre os evangélicos que justificasse o fato de um partido político não ter sido criado. Através de um conjunto de dados sobre os eleitores e outro sobre os deputados estaduais de todo o país, não foi observada a presença de posicionamentos distintos, de uma identidade política que tornasse, tanto os eleitores quanto os deputados evangélicos singulares, diferenciados dos demais grupos. Também foi constatada a fragilidade do modelo de formação de partidos a partir de identidades políticas no caso brasileiro, caracterizado pela alta fragmentação partidária e por uma falta de distinção na maioria dos partidos. / This research was developed with the purpose of understanding the insertion of the evangelicals in the Brazilian political institutions, an attempt to articulate such phenomena with the debate on the partisan representation. It\'s puzzling that an \"Evangelical Party\" was not formed even after the expressive amount of elected representatives this group has had since the last Constituent Assembly. Why is it so? The empirical work consisted in testing the hypothesis that there is no common identity among the various evangelical groups that would justify the existence of a political party. Through a data set of the voters and another one of the representatives of the whole country, the presence of distinct positions was not observed. There isn\'t a political identity that would turn the evangelical voters and representatives distinguished from the others groups. This work also evidenced the fragility of the political parties\' formation model based on identities. In the Brazilian case, this is characterized by a high partisan fragmentation and a lack of distinction between most of the many political parties.

Orientador: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes / Banca: Clodoaldo Bueno / Banca: Áureo Busetto / Banca: Lupércio Antônio Pereira / Banca: Maria Lúcia Bertachini Nosella / Resumo: O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá. / Abstract: An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced. / Doutor

More and more attention is paid in the academic debate to the issue of sub-state entities, represented by regional governments, as partially independent actors of international politics. This phenomenon, referred to as paradiplomacy, is particularly visible in the European Union, where since 1980s regional governments have been mobilising to gain direct influence on the shape of European politics. A regional government that acts as an agent of European politics may or may not be actively supported by its central government. This thesis tries to investigate the relationship between the direct representations of the Visegrád Group regions in Brussels and their respective national Permanent Representations. In the first chapter, I discuss the theoretical issues related to regional mobilisation in Brussels by referring to the work of researchers who deal with multi- level governance in the context of the European Union. In the second chapter, I present and justify the choice of research design, case studies, and semi-structured interviews as the main source of obtaining data necessary to answer the research question. In the third chapter, I included the analysis of the obtained information, and in the fourth chapter, the conclusions drawn from it. This research shows that direct regional...

[pt] Criados para ampliar o apoio popular em relação a determinadas lideranças, os jornais Última Hora, O Dia e Luta Democrática tiveram atuação importante durante o segundo governo Vargas como intermediários entre o público e os líderes políticos aos quais estavam ligados (respectivamente, Getúlio Vargas, Ademar de Barros/Chagas Freitas e Tenório Cavalcanti). Neste sentido, a linguagem sensacionalista presente nestes jornais foi elemento fundamental no exercício do papel de defensores do povo encarnado pelos três veículos. Através do sensacionalismo, estes jornais forjaram sua identificação com as classes populares e disseminaram a retórica populista. A presente análise tem como objetivo revelar a especificidade da interseção entre linguagem sensacionalista e linguagem política presente nestes periódicos. / [en] Newspapers Última Hora, O Dia and Luta Democrática were founded with the purpose of expanding popular support for certain leaderships and played an important role as intermediaries between the public and the political leaders to whom they were connected during Vargas` second term (Getúlio Vargas, Ademar de Barros/Chagas Freitas and Tenório Cavalcanti, respectively). In this sense, the sensationalistic language used by these newspapers was an essential element in the forging of their roles as defenders of the people. It was through sensationalism that these papers fabricated their identification with the popular classes and disseminated their populistic rhetoric. The present analysis proposes to show the specificity of the intersection between sensationalistic language and political language presented by these newspapers.

Welfare, and the role of social democracy in defining its content and meaning, is often described as one of Sweden’s distinguishing features. However, in the quest for liberalization and marketization, reforms in past decades have substantially changed the political landscape. These developments have led many to question the viability of describing the main political actors and their attitudes towards the welfare state in terms of left or right. This dissertation contributes to the understanding of ideological convergence and past and current political cleavages by analysing the welfare debate on freedom of choice between the two main political opponents in Swedish politics over three decades. Using a morphological approach, where ideologies are viewed as distinctive configurations of political concepts creating specific conceptual patterns depending on how they are combined, the analysis focuses on the content of the concept of choice by examining the conceptual relationships between political concepts such as choice, the public and the private, equality, equity and need. The analysis reveals a convergence suggesting that the parties have united around a narrower concept of freedom of choice that relates to how it is implemented in welfare services, that is, the choice between different providers of welfare services. However, important differences remain, which are expressed in the parties’ differing conceptions of the power resources citizens need to become truly free individuals. These findings suggest that, while freedom of choice has become a central concept in the political debate, it is not central to the parties’ ideologies. Instead, the core of the parties’ ideologies appears to be articulated in e.g. the political cleavages that remain, which can be described as differing views on the role of politics and competing conceptions of need and equality.  It is how these cleavages are translated into policies that will determine possible welfare choices in the future.

There are two parallel developments in European and, particularly important for this study, Swedish policy. The trend is that the individual's self-determination of his gender identity, rather than psychological investigations, medical assessments and legal sections, should be legitimate in recognizing gender identity. Furthermore, there are intensive political debates on positive discrimination of women as a tool for achieving gender equality in response to that men and masculinity are still claiming and maintaining a leading role in society. This study takes root in these two political developments and investigates how two Swedish parliamentary parties, Vänsterpartiet and Socialdemokraterna, take position to transgender womens’ right to determine their gender identity and, at the same time, determine which women should be able to be gender quoted. The result showed that the parties, in political material regarding transgender, assume a trans-inclusionary attitude towards trans women in relation to women as a group, whereas the political material on gender equality of women has a trans-exclusionary approach. The conclusion is that there is a need for a political strategy for managing flexible identities in formal systems.