This diploma thesis focuses on the roots and activities of Christian Peace Conference (CPC) in the years 1958-1968 when it was presided by Josef L. Hromádka. The author of this thesis examines the roots of the organization in Czechoslovak and German context starting in the interwar period. The thesis analyses how the beginnings of CPC were impacted by the Second World War experience of the generation of founders of the organization and also how they were impacted by the events preceding and following the war. Specifically, the focus of the research is the relationship between Christians and Marxists and furthermore the Christians' perception and experience of socialism as a social order as it was presented in CPC. Simultaneously, the thesis focuses on the possibilities of an existence of international organization during the Cold War and the role it played for the actors at that time.

This diploma thesis focuses on the roots and activities of Christian Peace Conference (CPC) in the years 1958-1968 when it was presided by Josef L. Hromádka. The author of this thesis examines the roots of the organization in Czechoslovak and German context starting in the interwar period. The thesis analyses how the beginnings of CPC were impacted by the Second World War experience of the generation of founders of the organization and also how they were impacted by the events preceding and following the war. Specifically, the focus of the research is the relationship between Christians and Marxists and furthermore the Christians' perception and experience of socialism as a social order as it was presented in CPC. Simultaneously, the thesis focuses on the possibilities of an existence of international organization during the Cold War and the role it played for the actors at that time.

The aim of this diploma thesis is to analyze ideas how to deal with the german question after the Second World War which were brought up by one of the largest postwar ecumenical organizations - Christian Peace Conference. Using this example, the author of this thesis wants to describe nature of the organization whose establishment was initiated by the cooperation between theologians and active Christians from the Eastern bloc and their Western counterparts, particularly the ones from the Federal Republic of Germany. Therefore, the thesis presents ideas of Christian Peace Conference and then compares them with the development of international relations during the Cold War and shows potential political implications of these ideas. This issue also illustrates the evolution of negotiations among European actors in the international arena after 1968. Lastly, the thesis addresses the question how could an organization like Christian Peace Conference work in the socialist state the German Democratic Republic was.

American military plans for a war with the British Empire, first discussed in 1919, have received varied treatment since their declassification. the most common theme among historians in their appraisals of WAR PLAN RED is that of an oddity. Lack of a detailed study of Anglo-American relations in the immediate post-First World War years makes a right understanding of the difficult relationship between the United States and Britain after the War problematic. As a result of divergent aims and policies, the United States and Great Britain did not find the diplomatic and social unity so many on both sides of the Atlantic aspired to during and immediately after the First World War. Instead, United States’ civil and military organizations came to see the British Empire as a fierce and potentially dangerous rival, worthy of suspicion, and planned accordingly. Less than a year after the end of the War, internal debates and notes discussed and circulated between the most influential members of the United States Government, coalesced around a premise that became the rationale for WAR PLAN RED. Ample evidence reveals that contrary to the common narrative of “Anglo-American” and “Atlanticist” historians of the past century, the First World War did not forge a new union of spirit between the English-speaking nations. the experiences of the War, instead, engendered American antipathy for the British Empire. Economic and military advisers feared that the British might use their naval power to check American expansion, as they believed it did during the then recent conflict. the first full year of peace witnessed the beginnings of what became WAR PLAN RED. the foundational elements of America’s war plan against the British Empire emerged in reaction to the events of the day. Planners saw Britain as a potentially hostile nation, which might regard the United States’ rise in strength as a threatening challenge to Britain’s historic economic and maritime supremacy.

The presented diploma thesis deals with the issue of the legacy and reflection of the peace conference in the 20th century, through the theories of realism and idealism. The theoretical part presents the key theories of realism and idealism, from the perspective of several authors, as well as the first great debate in the sector of international relations. The distribution of forces at the peace conference in Paris is described in more detail, all the treaties forming the Versailles peace system are presented, and attention was also paid to the process of establishing the League of Nations. The main part of the work contains an analysis of the situation during the interwar period, with an emphasis on the sustainability of the idealistic peace concept, which contrasted with the realistic activities of individual states. Based on this, the main goal of the work is to answer the questions what caused the failure of the system of collective security, the demise of the League of Nations, as well as the possible transcendence of peace treaties to the present. Key words Peace conference, idealism, realism, interwar period, Versailles peace system, League of Nations

Approved for public release, distribution unlimited / Jordanian - Palestinian relations are deeply rooted in history. They date back to the first quarter of the twentieth century, to the period of British and French involvement in the region in the aftermath of World War I, and the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948. Since the early days of the British mandate, the two peoples, Jordanian and Palestinian, found themselves obliged to interact with each other due to geographic, social, economic and demographic considerations. Following the decision to unite the West Bank and Transjordan to make up the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in 1950, the West Bank and its people were in the process of integration within Jordan until war halted progress in 1967. This study presents the evolution of Jordanian - Palestinian relations through history. These relations have been both challenged by hardships and influenced by several other Arab states. The current peace process between the Israelis and Palestinians, which could bring about an independent Palestinian state, requires that Jordanians and Palestinians restructure their relations in order to be of mutual benefit. / Brigadier General, Jordanian Army

This dissertation attempts to determine what Britain expected from participation in the Supreme Economic Council (SEC) of the 1919 Paris Peace Conference and to what extent its expectations were realized. An investigation of available sources reveals that access to European markets and raw materials and a balance of power to prevent French, German, or Russian hegemony in Europe were British foreign policy goals that SEC delegates sought to advance. Primary sources for this study include unpublished British Foreign Office and Cabinet records, published British, United States, and German government documents, unpublished personal papers of people directing SEC efforts, such as David Lloyd George, Austen Chamberlain, Cecil Harmsworth, Harry Osborne Mance, and John Maynard Keynes, and published memoirs and accounts of persons who were directly or indirectly involved with the SEC. Secondary accounts include biographies and histories or studies of the Peace Conference and of countries affected by its work. Primarily concerned with the first half of 1919, this dissertation focuses on British participation in Inter-allied war-time economic efforts, in post-war Rhineland control, in the creation of the SEC, and in the SEC endeavors of revictualling Germany, providing food and medical relief for eastern Europe, and reconstructing European communications. It concludes with Britain's role in the attempt to convert the SEC into an International Economic Council in the last half of 1919 and with the transfer of SEC duties to the Reparations Commission and to the League of Nations. Through participation in the SEC, Britain led in negotiating the Brussels Agreement and in establishing the Rhineland Commission and the German Economic Commission, reversing French attempts to control the Rhenish economy, preventing French hegemony in Europe, and gaining access to German markets for British goods. Although it failed to achieve its goals of strong eastern European states and access to markets and raw materials there, Britain led in restoration of communications and participated in the relief effort which saved the new states from anarchy in 1919.

My doctoral dissertation examines the delimitation of the Slovak - Polish border in the interwar period and the impact of the cession of the parts of the Slovak districts in Orava and Spiš to Poland on the relations between Czecho-Slovakia and Poland, Czechoslovakia and Poland, and Slovakia and Poland. The Tešín question dominated the border delimitation and the relations and the Orava and Spiš questions and the delimitation of the Slovak - Polish border received much less scholarly attention. While acknowledging the complexity of the issue under consideration, this work attempts to make small contribution towards filling existing gap in historiography. The majority of research work occurred at the diplomatic archives in Prague, Paris and Warsaw (Archives of the Foreign Ministry, Archives diplomatiques and Archiwum Akt Nowych). Some primary research also took place in Bratislava, Warsaw, Washington and Ottawa. This work seeks to interpret primary sources in an innovative way which demonstrates influence exerted by the Orava and Spiš questions on the relations between Czecho-Slovakia and Poland, Czechoslovakia and Poland, Slovakia and Poland, Slovaks and Poles, Slovaks and Czechs, and Czechs and Poles. Effectiveness of the Orava and Spiš questions to carve out their own constituencies and to communicate the message of their populations were limited or enhanced by contemporary configuration of international and internal factors. The Orava and Spiš border delimitations in the Slovak-Polish border and their consequences for the Slovak-Czech-Polish relations, remain largely neglected by the scholars in the English and French historiographies. The Orava and Spiš border delimitations play an important role in understanding of Slovak-Polish-Czech relations and international relations in the interwar and post World War II periods. The questions posed by examining the Orava and Spiš border delimitations are as relevant in Schengen Europe as they were almost a century ago.

Independent Poland ceased to exist in 1795 and the various insurrections to restore the Polish state were thwarted by the Germans, Austro-Hungarians, and Russians. During the First World War, Polish statesmen called upon the thousands of Polish immigrants in the United States to join the Polish Army in France, a military force funded by the French government and organized by the Polish Falcons of America and Ignacy Paderewski, the world-famous Polish pianist. Over 20,000 men trained in Canada and fought in the final months of the war on the Western front. While in France they were placed under the command of General Jozef Haller and became known as Haller’s Army. At the conclusion of the war, the Allied leaders at the Paris Peace Conference decided to send the soldiers to Poland to fight in the Polish-Soviet War to stop the western advance of the Bolsheviks. When the war ended, the United States government, with the influence of Secretary of State Robert Lansing, funded the return of the soldiers to their homes in the United States. This dissertation focuses on questions of the relationships among foreign policy, nationalism, and immigration and investigates forced recruitment, dissatisfaction with the cause of Polish independence exacerbated by difficult wartime conditions, nationalism among immigrant groups, ethnic identity, and anti-Semitism.

My doctoral dissertation examines the delimitation of the Slovak - Polish border in the interwar period and the impact of the cession of the parts of the Slovak districts in Orava and Spiš to Poland on the relations between Czecho-Slovakia and Poland, Czechoslovakia and Poland, and Slovakia and Poland. The Tešín question dominated the border delimitation and the relations and the Orava and Spiš questions and the delimitation of the Slovak - Polish border received much less scholarly attention. While acknowledging the complexity of the issue under consideration, this work attempts to make small contribution towards filling existing gap in historiography. The majority of research work occurred at the diplomatic archives in Prague, Paris and Warsaw (Archives of the Foreign Ministry, Archives diplomatiques and Archiwum Akt Nowych). Some primary research also took place in Bratislava, Warsaw, Washington and Ottawa. This work seeks to interpret primary sources in an innovative way which demonstrates influence exerted by the Orava and Spiš questions on the relations between Czecho-Slovakia and Poland, Czechoslovakia and Poland, Slovakia and Poland, Slovaks and Poles, Slovaks and Czechs, and Czechs and Poles. Effectiveness of the Orava and Spiš questions to carve out their own constituencies and to communicate the message of their populations were limited or enhanced by contemporary configuration of international and internal factors. The Orava and Spiš border delimitations in the Slovak-Polish border and their consequences for the Slovak-Czech-Polish relations, remain largely neglected by the scholars in the English and French historiographies. The Orava and Spiš border delimitations play an important role in understanding of Slovak-Polish-Czech relations and international relations in the interwar and post World War II periods. The questions posed by examining the Orava and Spiš border delimitations are as relevant in Schengen Europe as they were almost a century ago.