The purpose of this study has been to find out how Kenyan journalists look at their own role in the development of the Somalia conflict and how they work to make sure that they have a positive impact on the situation. The empirical material consists of seven semi-structured interviews with journalists who work in print- or broadcast media in the Kenyan capital Nairobi and who specialises in conflict reporting in general and Somalia more specifically. The interviews were summarised, analysed and presented in a thematic order, based on the initial research questions stated below:    Do Kenyan journalists believe that they can help bring peace and stability in Somalia and if so, how? How do Kenyan journalists look at their own role in reporting about the Somalia conflict? How do Kenyan journalists reason when choosing subjects to report about, angles and sources? The result of the study is very clear: all journalists interviewed believe that they can help bring peace and stability in Somalia. Some even believe that without the media, there won’t be peace in Somalia. However, they look slightly different at their individual roles as reporters covering a conflict in a neighbouring country where their own nation is militarily involved. Some look at themselves as objective messengers that report the truth no matter the implications. Others are sensitive when it comes to showing pictures of dead people or publishing the number of casualties, afraid that it might stir up emotions and cause retaliatory attacks. One journalist stands out as the only one openly supporting a patriotic line that he believes is needed for the Kenyan military to defeat the enemy and in the end achieve peace and stability in the region. They all consider it difficult to remain objective when reporting from Somalia, since they most often need to work embedded with the troops for security reasons. African journalists need to highlight the plight of the Somali people and also report about the positive sides of the region, all journalists believe. It is important to paint a brighter picture of Somalia in order to bring new investments to the poor country. Also, they all emphasise the need to talk to the people of Somalia, to let them speak for themselves, because in the end, only Somalis can bring peace to their country.

<p>  </p> <p>Despite some criticism, peace journalism has received considerable attention over the last three decades as a normative approach to promote a more conscientious, contextualized, and proactive journalistic approach to reporting conflict. This study aims at examining the media coverage of the social protests of Colombia in 2021 using peace journalism as a theoretical framework. A sample of 210 news stories from April 28 to June 10 of 2021 were analyzed to see how two Colombian newspapers reflected Galtung’s framework of peace journalism and see variations over time and between media sources. Given that most of the research on the operationalization of peace journalism has examined militaristic armed conflicts, this analysis seeks to expand the research exploring war/peace journalism media framing in the context of social protests. The results cannot fully confirm previous studies that have identified a predominance of war journalism framing in media coverage; although at the individual indicator level there is a clear inclination towards war journalism, considering a holistic assessment, there is a tendency towards peace journalism. These results suggest theoretical and practical implications that must be addressed for the refinement of peace journalism as a journalistic practice.  </p>

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Master of Science / Department of Journalism and Mass Communications / Angela Powers / The country of Myanmar started political reforms in 2010. Along with the process of becoming more democratic, peace and reconciliation have become very important due to the decades-long civil wars that continue to rage between ethnic minority groups and Myanmar Army. The Myanmar media have the potential to play a huge role in national reconciliation. One conflict between the Muslim and the Buddhist of Rakhine State of Myanmar has gained international attention. Research shows that media play a destructive or constructive role in conflict resolution depending on which news frames they adopt in reporting. This uses the theoretic peace journalism perspective, in which media take a careful, consistent and conscientious approach to report stories that create opportunities for society at large and emphasizes non-violent responses to conflict (Lynch, 2008). Using mass media framing theory and existing peace journalism literature, this study investigates the prominence of war and peace journalism framing in the media coverage of an ongoing conflict in the Northern Rakhine State of Myanmar between a group of Muslims and Buddhists who inhabit the region. This study employed a comparative analysis to examine war and peace journalism frames from stories published in four newspapers; two from Myanmar, one from Bangladesh, and one from the U.S. The analysis was guided by Galtung’s (1986) classifications of peace and war journalism and operational definitions derived by Lee and Maslog (2005). Findings suggest that war journalism frames are dominant in the coverage of the Rakhine conflict regardless of media origin. Even though not statistically significant, the government-run newspaper from Myanmar was revealed to produce more peace journalism stories than the other three newspapers. There was a slight difference in coverage of the conflict between English-language and Burmese-language newspapers in terms of peace/war journalism framing. English news stories were more likely to be framed as war journalism than peace journalism. In addition, news stories produced by U.S. journalists and foreign news wire services such as the Associated Press and Reuters were more war-dominant than stories produced by local/regional journalists of Myanmar and Bangladesh. This study calls for international and local journalists to reevaluate their current conflict reporting practices to promote their positive roles in peace processes.

This thesis explores how peace journalism (PJ) translates into practice in the Kenyan media environment. Through the personal accounts of practicing reporters in Kenya, this research reveals the challenges and opportunities Kenyan journalist-participants faced while covering the 2013 presidential election. Through their personal experiences, this research reveals reporters were working in an exceptionally challenging media environment; one significantly shaped by the 2007 election and post-election violence. Participants identified numerous constraints that shaped their reporting practices, including structural constraints within their newsrooms and societal constraints in relation to ethnic identity. This thesis concludes that PJ has yet to offer sufficient concrete or practical solutions addressing these influencing factors, largely because of an overestimation of the agency journalists possess. Therefore, this research validates an existing body of research that suggests there is a need for PJ to consider factors outside of journalists themselves, which may constrain their work. The objective of the research is not to discredit the value of the tools PJ offers, but rather draw attention to the notion that those tools alone are insufficient.

The Colombian society is heading towards a new political dawn with the signing of the peace accord between the government and the Marxist guerrilla Farc in 2016. The civil war between the guerrilla and the Colombian state broke out in the 1960´s, and has gathered a lot of media attention over the years. This thesis will focus on how Swedish media has portrayed the conflict, and what frames they are using – a frame that is focusing on peace or a frame that focus on war? The study will be carried out with a qualitative content analysis method based on Johan Galtung’s Peace Journalism theory, examining 148 articles published by Svenska Dagbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet and Expressen on the subject of the Colombian conflict during the years 1995, 2002, 2009 and 2017.

This thesis involves an analysis based on the theory of peace and war journalism to show how these theories express themselves in a conflict area. By taking two major media outlets during the war in Bosnia – Borba (Struggle) and Open Broadcast Network (OBN) – as case study this thesis will explore the way war and peace journalism and the Galtung dichotomy function in practice. In order to better understand the substance of peace journalism, a qualitative content analysis of articles and reports was conducted. The local newspapers and TV broadcasts in the beginning of the war displayed a powerful war journalism framing whereas toward the end of the conflict the coverage of OBN – established with the assistance of international community – exposes a more hopeful peace journalism framing. The most outstanding peace journalism signs are: an unbiased approach, all-parties coverage, and avoidance of dehumanizing language. The war journalism frame is driven by a present focus orientation, a separation of good and evil and an elite angle. The literature on peace and war journalism puts forward the fact that the current media are a key concern to the media and public experts, combatants and contain a perceptive impact on shifting the focus to the conflict field. By using Galtung’s (1998) peace and war journalism frames indicators, Borba and OBN were tested to help see the difference between war and peace journalism in practice. Findings suggest that a third possibility exist, considering that both OBN and Borba have often shown merely objective-reporting signs without making themselves a good fit to Galtung’s dichotomous model of peace journalism. The belief that there is a clear distinction between peace and war journalism is theoretically derived, which was proved in the Bosnian case where the lines are blurred.

This research aims at examining the Vietnamese online media’s framing of conflict, thereby highlighting the outstanding characteristics of peace journalism and war journalism frames available in the media of an Asian peripheral country when it covers conflicts with other core, more powerful nations. The study is inspired from an overarching hypothesis of a possible junction between peace journalism and public diplomacy as relevant theories have it that they are basically identical in one sense: both representing a form of message which carries the note of peace-rebuilding, solution-orientated and mutual understanding in the war context. That message is delivered through media to reach out the foreign publics, not only to gain benefits for national interests but also to point out a solution for peace and offer an opportunity to conflict-resolution talks. The events chosen for study are media analysis following two attacks in late May and early June, 2011 against two Vietnamese oil exploration vessels in the South China Sea in which China was the accused. Basing on the theories of peace journalism, public diplomacy and world system theory, the research hypothesized that Vietnamese online media’s framing of China throughout seven months May 1st to November 30th, 2011 is inclined towards peace journalism. Two research techniques were employed: Quantitative Content Analysis to find out the dominant frame of the Vietnamese online media when covering the two clashes between Vietnamese and Chinese ships; and Qualitative Critical Discourse Analysis to further examine what messages the media aspire to send to foreign publics and how these messages are crafted. Findings from the content analysis rejects the main hypothesis, showing that the Vietnamese online media still opted for the war journalism frame even though theoretical and empirical evidence confirms Vietnam’s soft, assuaging and non-provocative approach in its public diplomacy with China. CDA results however highlighted the characteristics of the Vietnamese online media’s war frame: very tactful and implicit. The negative China presentation and positive self-presentation of Vietnam cannot be clearly seen through the use of victimizing, dehumanizing and emotionalizing language, but through implications and presuppositions hidden in the sentences. The implied messages that the Vietnamese online media want to send out the foreign publics portray China as a perverse bully neighbor and a two-faced partner, defying international law and breaking regional peace. Meanwhile, Vietnam is portrayed as a tolerant victim of China – its own friend and as a noble, forgiving friend of China. These messages are presented in the media by a very flexible, diplomatic and reconciliatory language so as to create an enemy scene with China. The study confirms the value and applicability of the theories selected and findings from previous studies. It also inspires future studies on expanding public diplomacy and peace journalism theories to make it more applicable to media of similar state structure or those in Asia./.

This research thesis investigates news journalists?? role in the promotion and protection of peace and human rights. I explore how news journalists do not just have the ability, through the discursive selections they make, to be a catalyst for peace and non-violent solutions, it is their obligation under international human rights. My study links arguments about universal ethics for media based on international human rights with the practical and analytical approach of ??peace journalism??. The main argument rests on the idea that objectivity or impartiality in news journalism does not equal ethical neutrality since there is always a discursive selection made by the news journalists. In order to monitor whether news journalists discursive selections comply with the international human rights obligations, I have explored how the Human Rights and Equal Opportunities Commission (HREOC) report A Last Resort? were covered in three Australian newspapers when it was published in 2004. The HREOC report was a testament of human rights abuses by the Australian Federal Governments towards children in Australian detention centres. I establish that health professionals were a significant group for both HREOC??s main findings and recommendations and a key group for the contextualisation of the human rights violations explored and exposed in the HREOC report. Informed by conflict analysis and peace studies theories I argue HREOC establish how the detention policy equals ??structural violence?? that caused ??direct violence??, which was justified and normalised because ??cultural violence??. I use discourse analysis to explore the discursive selections in the newspapers, and establish that the report received limited coverage and health professionals were omitted in the news while the political conflict was reported. This trivialised the report and health professionals?? role, which led to the naturalisation and normalisation of the violence. I finally reinforce these finding by exploring alternatives to the coverage using a peace journalism framework, which further clarifies the subjective nature of the discursive selection.

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