Abstract This thesis mainly researches in the Internet development and impact of Mainland China. With the theory of corporatism, it also analyzes the development of internet and how the control measures of the Communist Party of China change the relation between state and society . This thesis has reviewed why the Communist Party of China developed the Internet and its restrictions and present situation of Internet. However, the Internet users have tried everything to obtain the unaccessible message. Recently, every leader of the Communist Party of China has declared for the development of Internet sequentially. At the same time, they still insist the restriction of Internet and even aggravated it with the technology of western network information corporations. In the past two years, the Mainland China has established the association of China Internet made up of Internet Services Providers as a medium to control increasing Internet users by staging self-control actions and settin report procedures. But the Communist Party of China still fails to get rid of the dilemma of controlling or developing the Internet.

Abstract 20 century end, the third wave democratization wave tide cause the snowballing effects, lead to the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe communist nation disintegration and walk the road that democracy transform. The Mainland China nature receives to relatively big impact, especially U.S¡Bformer Soviet Union the breakup of two very confrontation systems, make the western nation as to it¡¦s the military strategy and western value a victory of peaceful evolution believe deeply to do not move, cause the western nation more do not accept China domestic human rights to record not good. Under the effort of United Nations, the convenant of international human rights have become the human the lowest human rights standard possessed of 21 century, differ from the PRC regime words is a new imperialism to the China sovereignty of interfere with. The research believes at the world widespread acceptance democracy and human rights value, China will increase to the possibility that democracy transform.

自一九八九年起，民主化浪潮陸續於世界各地發生，且愈演愈烈，但中共卻無視這股時代巨流，執意走出「有中國特色的社會主義」，將對之民主轉變的期望視為是「和平演變」的陰謀，並強調中共國情迥異，展開前所未見的大規模反「和平演變」運動，極力避免步上前蘇聯、東歐國家被演變的後塵。 　　本文欲探討的主題即，什麼因素使中共能免民主潮流衝擊於一時？中共如何詮釋「和平演變」戰略的內涵？中共面對「和平演變」時，所採取的反制策略為何？中共因應「和平演變」的措施能否在目前全球生態丕變的環境下持續奏效？ 　　本論文共分為六章，各章內容概要如下： 　　第一章緒論，說明本文之研究動機及目的、研究方法及架構、研究範圍及限制。 　　第二章則於檢視中共反「和平演變」之內涵前，先探討中共對「和平演變」的看法，包括「和平演變」的產生背景、定義及施行目標、發展過程及施行手段。 　　第三、四、五三章分別論述中共三個反變時期，分別為毛澤東時期、鄧小平前後時期等，並以反變的背景、措施及成效等三個要素作為此三章的論述架構。 　　第三章說明中共反變運動最初形成的內外背景，反變的種種措施，以及毛澤東錯估當時各種情勢與反變結合後所造成的不良後果。 　　第四章則突出鄧小平掌權後，中共反變大環境有所變動，使得此時的反變必須在改革開放之下進行。 　　第五章敘述中共鎮壓民運的戲劇性發展，使反變與「和平演變」之互動進入另一個新的階段，並闡述中共反變運動時馳時張之緣故。 　　第六章首先對毛澤東與鄧小平的反變內容及成效作一初步的比較，次則指出中共反變目前所處的兩難境地，最後則展望許家屯及海內外學人所提出的「和平演進」論及「新權威主義」設計，在可見未來是否能為中共當局採納，而採用後的結果又為何？本文並以此章作為整篇論文之結論。