Ämnesområdet för denna uppsats är fascismen i Sverige efter andra världskriget. Uppsatsens huvudsakliga syfte är att undersöka Per Engdahls ideologi efter andra världskriget utifrån den fascitiska ideologins struktur. Uppsatens sekundära syfte är att undersöka om hans ideologi förändrades efter andra världskriget, om den gjorde det och vad det kan berott på. I uppsatsen har fyra olika politiska program från Nysvenska rörelsen undersökts, alla skrivna av Per Engdahl, mellan åren 1958 till 1979. I uppsatsen har en ideologianalys använts som metod för att dels undersöka det manifesta samt det latenta budskapet i Engdahls politiska program. Resultatet av denna uppsats visar på att Engdahl mellan åren 1958 till formulerade centrala delar av den fascistiska ideologins struktur i sina politiska program. Vidare visar denna uppsats även att Per Engdahl bl.a. förändrade sin ideologiska syn gällande nationen, individen och staten som det parlamentariska systemet efter andra världskriget.

The atrocities committed by the Nazis during the second world war meant that the public view of Nazism and fascism in the late 1940s and early 1950s was at a record low. In many countries the government actively sought to combat organizations professing a loyalty to fascism and many groups all over Europe struggled to find new followers and support in the post-war era. In wake of this there were an interesting development within post-war fascist organisations. As a result of their inability to gain support in their nations they began cooperating more with other groups across the borders. One interesting expression of this trend was the formation of a fascist international in 1951. Formed as a result of two international conferences, one in Rome 1950 and one in Malmö 1951, the movement sought to create a federal European state of nationalist states with the purpose of establishing Europe as a third power in the cold war, ideologically independent from the liberal USA and communist Soviet bloc. At Malmö it was decided to form an umbrella organisation named Europäische Soziale Bewegung (ESB), the European social movement. Furthermore, it was decided that the organisation would have permanent secretariat in Malmö which would be organized and led by a commission composed of Per Engdahl, the former SS-officer Karl-Heinz Priester, the French revisionist Maurice Bardéche and the secretary of the MSI Augusto de Marsanich. This study focuses on the correspondence of Per Engdahl during the years of the congresses in order to examine how the personal networks of fascist leaders helped create, form and maintain the international cooperation of ESB. Using the social network perspective argued by Ylva Hasselberg, Leos Müller and Niklas Stenlås, the study found that Engdahl’s connections with key figures in the extreme right played a key part in planning and organizing the congress as well as formulating the ideological programme and the organisations operation. Furthermore, the study found that Engdahl’s network was frequently used to share information and news from the various movements. The study thereafter concludes that Engdahl’s network is good example of how the post-war fascist organisation intertwined and helped develop the international currents of fascism. In doing so, the study contributes to the research of entangled history in transnational fascism studies.

Uppsatsen är en analys av den svenska politiska aktivisten Per Engdahl och hans rörelsers ideologiska innehåll. Engdahl som föddes 1909 och avled 1994 var under hela sitt liv verksam i olika svenska fascistiska och högerextrema organisationer såsom Sveriges Fascistiska Kamporganisation, Riksförbundet det Nya Sverige, Sveriges Nationella Förbund, Riksföreningen Sverige-Tyskland, Svensk Opposition, Europäische Soziale Bewegung samt Nysvenska Rörelsen. Dessutom utgav han under nästan 50 år tidningen Vägen Framåt. Studien omfattar perioden 1931 till 1950. Fyra olika politiska program samt fyra ledarartiklar ur Vägen Framåt, från 1942 alla författade av Engdahl, har analyserats. Metoden har varit ideologianalys speciellt med hjälp av textanalys.Studiens syfte är att utifrån teorin om generisk fascism undersöka Per Engdahl och hans organisationers ideologiska grund. En sådan analys har inte tidigare genomförts utan Engdahl har betecknats som fascist eller nazist utifrån empiriska studier av organisationerna och inte på grundligare studier av hans idéer.Till idéhistorikern Lena Bergrens minimidefinition av generisk fascism har jag i min definition lagt till begreppet auktoritär och ersatt holistisk till metafysisk. Den lyder sålunda: Fascismen är en ultranationalistisk revolutionär och auktoritär ideologi med metafysiska och synkretistiska pretentioner som syftar till att skapa ett radikalt nytt samhälle och en ny typ av människa.Utifrån denna definition och andra centrala begrepp i fascismen betraktar jag Per Engdals ideologi som fascistisk under den undersökta perioden 1931 till 1950. Jag anser även att Engdahl var antisemit under perioden 1931 till 1942 och att han regelbundet spred rasideologiska idéer i sina texter fram till och med 1950. / This work is an ideological analyse of the Swedish political activist Per Engdahl and his different organizations. Engdahl was born 1909 and died 1994. He was active his whole life in different Swedish fascist an extreme right-wing organizations as Sweden’s Fascist Combat Organization, The National Federation the New Sweden, The National Swedish Association, The National Association Sweden-Germany, Swedish Opposition, The European Social Movement and The New Swedish Movement. He was also the publisher, for almost 50 years, of the political paper The Way Forwards. This study extends from 1931 to 1950. I have analysed four different political manifests and four editorials dated 1942 from his paper The Way Forwards. My method is primarily an ideology analysis including text analysis.The purpose of the study is to use the theory of generic fascism on Per Engdahls texts to find out the ideology can be defined as fascism. An analysis like this has not been done before but Engdahl has primarily been labelled as a Fascist or Nazi from empirical studies of his organizations and not by more thoroughly studies of his ideas.From the historian of ideas Lena Berggren I have borrowed her mini definition of generic fascism. But I have added the term authoritarian and substitute holistic with metaphysical. My definition reads: Fascism is an extreme nationalistic revolutionary and authoritarian ideology with metaphysical and syncretistic pretension which aims at a radical new society and an new type of individual.From this definition and other central concepts of Fascism I will define Per Engdahls ideology as fascism during the examined period from 1931 to 1950. I also see Engdahl as an anti-Semite during 1931 to 1942 and that he also constantly spread racism within texts and programmes until the end of the examination 1950.