No description available.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Delaware, 1997. / Professor in charge: William J. Idsardi. Includes bibliographical references.

In the clinical management of voice clients, it is important to measure accurate pitch ranges in order to determine if a client has a normal range or is speaking at an optimum pitch. It is not clear from the literature which vowel should be used in determining these pitch ranges. The purpose of this investigation was to determine the phonational frequency ranges in adults with no vocal training when phonating the cardinal vowels of /i/, /u/, and /a/. The investigation sought to answer the following question: Does the phonational frequency range in vocally untrained adults vary significantly when phonating the cardinal vowels of /i/, /u/, and /a/?

In the present study, the speech of twenty-four normally speaking toddlers and twenty-eight late talking toddlers was analyzed with respect to the syllable structures produced during a speech sample. The groups were matched with regard to age, sex, and socio-economic status, all passed a hearing screening, and all scored at least 85 on the Bayley Scales of Infant Development.

The questions this study sought to answer were: Do normally developing children exhibit phonological process deviations; what is the frequency of occurrence of each phonological process deviation by age group; and does the number of phonological process deviations and the average total frequency of occurrence of phonological process deviations decrease as age increases?

No description available.

This dissertation is an empirical and theoretical study of sentence-level prosody in Conamara (Connemara) Irish. It addresses the architecture of the syntax-phonology interface and the relation between syntactic constituent structure and prosodic structure formation. It argues for a fully interactional view of the interface, in which the phonological form may be influenced by a number of competing factors, including constraints governing syntax-prosody correspondence, linearization, and prosodic well-formedness. The specific proposal is set within the framework of Match Theory (Selkirk 2009, 2011), an indirect-reference theory of the syntax-prosody interface in which correspondence between syntactic and prosodic constituents is governed by a family of violable Match constraints. These constraints call for a one-to-one correspondence between syntactic and prosodic structure, to the extent that prosodic structure may be recursive under pressure from the recursive nature of syntactic phrases. However, this direct correspondence can be overruled by other interacting constraints, including prosodic markedness constraints and, as proposed here, other correspondence relations, as on the linearization of hierarchical syntactic structures. This dissertation argues that the distribution of pitch accents in Conamara Irish provides direct evidence for Match Theory. It is proposed that two phrasal pitch accents, L-H and H-L, demarcate the edges of phonological phrases, where L-H accents specifically target only those phrases which are recursive. Using the distribution of these pitch accents as indicators for the presence of prosodic boundaries, the dissertation investigates a variety of syntactic structures in both the clausal and nominal domain. It is argued that there is a close correspondence between syntactic and prosodic structure in default cases, but that this direct correspondence may be subverted in favour of a structure which better satisfies higher-ranked prosodic markedness constraints. Finally, this dissertation addresses pronoun postposing, a process pervasive in Irish dialects in word order appears to be sensitive to prosodic structure. This dissertation proposes to account for this phenomenon using the theoretical framework developed in the dissertation, in which the main patterns are accounted for through the interaction of Match constraints, prosodic markedness constraints, and a proposed violable constraint on the linearization of syntactic structure.

The present study aims to address the question of how vowel quality varies between rural and town-dwelling male speakers of Irish-English in South Roscommon, Ireland. Previous studies have identified four distinct varieties of Irish-English in Ireland: the Eastern, South &Western, Midland, and Northern varieties, loosely based on the political provinces of Munster, Connaught, Leinster, and Ulster. County Roscommon straddles the provinces of Connaught and Leinster, complicating the presence of phonological features associated with one of two different ‘accent regions’. The last phonological study carried out in Roscommon was by Patrick Leo Henry in 1957. While this was a promising start in assessing regional distinctions, rural ones in particular, the lack of recent studies leaves a sizeable gap that does not address modern changes in the linguistic landscape of Ireland, nor the availability of modern methods of acoustic analysis. In particular, the present study investigates the pre-nasal merging of front unrounded vowels /ɛ/ and /ɪ/, vowel centralization, and a lower /æ/, associated with the Western variety of Irish English. Factors such as supraregionalization lead to my hypothesis that rural speakers will demonstrate higher frequency of the vowel features associated with the Western variety. To assess the frequency of certain vowel sounds, twenty participants were recorded and formant data was extracted for F1 and F2 values of the tokens. It was found that the rural speakers in Roscommon demonstrated a more prominent merger between /ɛ/ and /ɪ/, a lower [æ], and the rural speakers demonstrated an overall trend toward centralization.

This study investigates sociophonetic stress variation in the Onondaga County area of Upstate New York. I argue that five variations of stress correlate to factors of age, education level, place of residence, frequency, and analogical change. Dinkin and Evanini (2010) have examined and discovered similar outcomes of stress variation in his work with dialectal features across the state of New York. Rather than analyze the state and its borders in their entirety, I focus on morpheme-specific analogical change of stress in specific social categories within the Syracuse, New York region. In terms of lexical items, I analyze stress placement within four-, five-, and six-syllable words containing the -mentary affix and explore how stress shifts in these words depending on those social and linguistic factors. Data were collected through formal and informal sociolinguistic interviews in which each instance of the target words were analyzed as belonging to one of five types of stress. Results indicate that Syracuse is one of the locations in the state that see all five stress patterns. To further investigate, I take the provided evidence of stress variation and filter for sociological relevance for factors of age, gender, and residence.

Este trabalho trata da descrição e da análise do contorno entoacional total de sentenças interrogativas globais e parciais, neutras e não-neutras, da variedade paulista do português brasileiro (PB). Investigamos a relação entre a associação de eventos tonais ao contorno entoacional dessas sentenças e a formação de domínios prosódicos. Nosso objetivo é identificar padrões entoacionais que codifiquem prosodicamente o significado pragmático dos diferentes tipos de sentenças interrogativas do PB. Partimos da hipótese de que o contorno entoacional total tem papel fundamental na codificação de significados pragmáticos, além do contorno nuclear. Em nosso trabalho, utilizamo-nos de corpora de fala controlada obtida em tarefa de leitura de sentenças interrogativas antecedidas por contextos propícios à produção de diferentes tipos frásicos interrogativos e de fala semicontrolada obtida em tarefa de leitura de mapa em dupla. A descrição e a análise prosódica das sentenças interrogativas de nossos corpora foram feitas à luz da visão integrada entre a abordagem Autossegmental e Métrica da Fonologia Entoacional (Pierrehumbert 1980; Pierrehumbert & Beckman 1988; Ladd 1996, 2008; Jun 2005/2014; entre outros) e a Fonologia Prosódica (Selkirk 1984, 1986, 2000; Nespor & Vogel 1986, 2007). Levamos em conta, para o desenvolvimento das análises desta investigação, os trabalhos desenvolvidos nesse mesmo quadro teórico e aplicados ao português (Frota & Vigário 2000; Tenani 2002; Fernandes 2007a, 2007b, Serra 2009, Toneli 2014; e, mais especificamente para sentenças interrogativas, Moraes 2008, Truckenbrodt, Sandalo & Abaurre 2009, Castelo 2011, 2016 e Frota et. al. 2015a). Os resultados obtidos a partir de nossa investigação revelam que (i) de maneira geral, o contorno nuclear das sentenças interrogativas da variedade paulista do PB tem um padrão ascendente-descendente; (ii) o contorno entoacional total tem papel importante na codificação do significado pragmático da interrogação; (iii) há características prosódicas especiais associadas ao contorno entoacional total que correspondem a significados pragmáticos específicos, como, por exemplo: (a) a marcação prosódica de foco e ênfase que varia a depender do significado pragmático associado à marcação de foco e ênfase nos diferentes tipos frásicos; (b) a associação de downstep ao contorno nuclear de sentenças interrogativas neutras; (c) a associação de upstep marcando o elemento enfático em sentenças interrogativas antiexpectativa; (d) o rebaixamento da gama de variação tonal no trecho do contorno entoacional correspondente à primeira palavra prosódica e o contorno nuclear em sentenças interrogativas retóricas; (e) as diferenças quanto à densidade tonal em sentenças interrogativas neutras e não-neutras; entre outras características prosódicas especiais associadas a significados pragmáticos específicos. Tais resultados revelam o cumprimento dos objetivos da pesquisa e confirmam nossa hipótese inicial de trabalho. / This study aims to describe the intonational contour of global and partial, neutral and non-neutral interrogative sentences of the Paulista variety of Brazilian Portuguese (BP). We investigate the relation between tonal events assignment and the formation of prosodic domains. Our goal is to find intonational patterns that codigy pragmatic meaning of different clause types of BP interrogative sentences. Our hypothesis is that the total contour has a fundamental role in codifying pragmatic meaning, besides the nuclear contour. In our work, the corpora analyzed includes controlled speech data obtained in a reading task that exposed interrogative sentences along with context to elicit the production of interrogatives with different pragmatic meanings and semicontrolled speech data recorded in a map task. The description and the prosodic analysis of the intonational phrasing of the interrogative sentences of our corpora were developed according to an integrated view of the Autossegmental Metrical approach within the framework of Intonational Phonology (Pierrehumbert 1980; Pierrehumbert & Beckman 1988; Ladd 1996, 2008; Jun 2005/2014; entre outros) and the Prosodic Phonology framework (Selkirk 1984, 1986, 2000; Nespor & Vogel 1986, 2007). Our analysis take into account previous works developed in this same framework and applied to Portuguese (Frota & Vigário 2000; Tenani 2002; Fernandes 2007a, 2007b, Serra 2009, Toneli 2014; and, more specifically regarding interrogative sentences, Moraes 2008, Truckenbrodt, Sandalo & Abaurre 2009, Castelo 2011, 2016 e Frota et. al. 2015a). The results achieved through this investigation reveal that (i) in general, the nuclear contour of interrogative sentences of the Paulista variety of BP show a rising-falling pattern; (ii) the total contour plays an important role in conveying pragmatic meaning of questions; (iii) there are special prosodic characteristics assigned to the total contour that correspond to specific pragmatic meaning, such as: (a) focus and emphasis marking that varies depending on the pragmatic meaning associated with different phrase types; (b) downstep association to the nuclear contour in neutral interrogative sentences; (c) upstep association to the emphatic element in counter expectation sentences; (d) lower tessiture of the range of variation in the portion of the intonational contour corresponding to the first prosodic word and the nuclear contour in rhetoric questions; (e) differences in tonal density between neutral and non-neutral sentences; among other prosodic characteristics associated with specific pragmatic meaning. These results confirm lead us to achieve our objectives and confirm our main hypothesis.