Thesis (doctoral)--Philipp-Universität zu Marburg.

Abstract ¡@¡@Undeniably, since World War II, referendums have assumed new prominence in many places. For example, in Western Europe, the evolution of the European Community has appealed critically to referendum outcomes in some member nations. In Eastern Europe, the decisions of boundaries, sovereignties, and governing institutions have appealed mostly to referendums following the disintegration of the Soviet Union. In Chile and South Africa, referendums helped new regimes emerge from old tyrannies. And in New Zealand and Italy, referendums have exposed the unpopularity of certain politicians and helped to transform the governing system. Therefore, referendums have been considered as an ideal way of increasing citizens¡¦ participation and deliberation on public issues, and this increase of citizens¡¦ participation due to referendums and other direct-democratic institutions has been seen as a step towards the further democratization of societies. But, when we speak of referendums, two terms of definition should be made clear. In some countries the term used has been plebiscites; in other countries the term used has been referendums. Because these two terms are often used alternatively, it produces the confusion of definition. Even so, no one has ever produced a clear distinction between these two terms. Therefore, this study tries to define these two terms as the beginning. First, the purpose of this study is to analyze and explain the practice of the three- phased referendum from its meanings, definitions, and the experiences of implementation among all the countries. (1) The first phase: to seek the plebiscite period of independence or sovereignty, such as, the countries in Asia and Africa in 1950s, the Former Soviet Republics during 1991-1993, and East Timor in 1999. (2) The second phase: to seek the referendum period of anti-representative democratic system, such as, France in 1962, Italy in 1993, Chile in 1988, Brazil in 1933 ¡K , and so on. (3) The third phase: to seek the initiative period of direct legislation, such as Switzerland and the American States after 1980s. But there are two exceptions, Quebec and Taiwan, because their referendum developmental models are different from other countries. However, the author believes if Quebec and Taiwan want to solve their representative democratic system problems thoroughly, they have to seek plebiscite of independence or sovereignty in the end. Second, the purpose of this study is to state and analyze the historical factors, opinions and developments of the referendum in Taiwan. And the controversy of constitutional reform triggered by appealing to sovereignty referendum is discussed, too. Besides, this study analyzes the issue of local referendums recently caused by the fight between economic developments and environmental protections. By doing this, it points out the problems and the dilemmas of the referendum met in Taiwan and proposes the necessary thoughts and principles of the legalization of referendum in Taiwan. Finally, the purpose of this study is to provide a comprehensive, comparative constitutional-law analysis of the institution of the referendum and its relationship to national decision-making. Of course, the author hopes that some basic referendum models will be created in Taiwan. Keywords: plebiscite; referendum; initiative; direct democracy

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Johns Hopkins University, 1922. / Vita. Imprint date changed in manuscript to 1922. Published also as Johns Hopkins university studies in historical and political science, ser. XXXVIII, no. 3. Bibliography: p. 204-207.

This thesis is a study of the use of plebiscites and referendums by the Province of British Columbia to discover: why they were used; what were the advantages and/or disadvantages of their use; and what significance their use to the system of responsible government. Before any conclusions could be drawn on these questions, it was necessary first to define their place in political theory. Then it was necessary to examine each plebiscite to discover what its circumstances were; what, if any, pressure groups were active pro or con the subject of the plebiscite; how did the political parties react to the plebiscite and what degree of public interest was aroused by it. To obtain this information, research was conducted into private letters and papers of the premiers concerned, if available; leading newspapers for the periods concerned; party programmes and pamphlets if available; government documents and interviews with or letters from former party members and the staffs of the Chief Electoral Officer's Department; the Attorney-General's Department and the Provincial Secretary's Department. Most of the material used was found in the University of British Columbia Library, the Vancouver Public Library, the Provincial Library, the Vancouver Archives and the Provincial Archives. There was much more material available for the plebiscites of 1909, 1916 and 1920 than for those of 1924, 1937 and 1952. Where scarcity of material prevented the drawing of valid conclusions or observations, it has been noted. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The responsiveness of government to citizens is the central concern in normative democratic theory. Referendum is one of the means to accomplish this ideal. There have been, on the part of the referendum , accumulated experiences and fruitful results in the Western advanced democratic countries. Since 1990, nineteen local plebiscites have been held in Taiwan. The passing of the referendum law is an important milestone of Taiwan¡¦s democratic deepening. However, judging from the continued controversy on the referendum. Especially, referendum is the the settlement of dispute between exective and legislative . I attempt to find some theory from referendum and solve the settlement of dispute between exective and legislative.

The aim of this paper is to examine and describe the framing of the concept gender within the Colombian anti-gender campaign against the peace accord between FARC-EP and the government of Colombia. By implementing a frame analysis of gender, this study examines how actors within the resistance movement framed the concept of gender, and how they linked it to the resistance of the peace accord. 14 news articles from the Colombian news websites El Espectador and Portafolio, written between 2016.08.10 and 2016.10.01, have been selected and analyzed in a profound way. The result shows that the gender resistance was often based on the theory of a gender ideology, and gender was expressed as a threat to the traditional family values. Future plausible scenarios including homosexuality, such as a homosexual dictatorship, were presented by some actors. The most prominent actors within the anti-gender movement were the right-wing politicians Alejandro Ordóñez and Álvaro Uribe, as well as Ángela Hernández from the party La U. To vote against the peace accord in the plebiscite was the only solution expressed in the material. This study encourages future research to examine any possible causality between the framing of gender and the result of the plebiscite.

Diante do descontentamento do povo com seus representantes, nota-se a existência de uma possível crise democrática. Percebe-se haver uma falta de identificação entre as leis vigentes e políticas públicas adotadas com as reais necessidades populares o que gera descrença no sistema e nos políticos, levando o povo, cada dia mais, a se afastar das decisões políticas. A máxima democrática de que todo poder emana do povo e deve ser exercido em seu nome, não vem sendo demonstrada no histórico brasileiro, pois, após a eleição, alguns representantes acabam exercendo o poder em benefício próprio, e pior, muitas vezes contra o anseio popular. A Constituição da República de 1988, seguindo tendência democrática atual, buscou contornar o problema prevendo instrumentos que propiciassem a participação popular de forma direta, sem, contudo, alijar a representação. Todavia, mais de vinte anos após a promulgação da Constituição, esses mecanismos têm sido pouco utilizados. Assim, o presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar, em especial, os instrumentos da democracia direta que traduzem a vontade popular manifestada nas urnas, quais sejam: o plebiscito e o referendo. A partir de uma análise histórica da democracia, busca-se entender o porquê da escassez dessas consultas populares, bem como avaliar os meios de que dispõem para conformar o ideal do cidadão às políticas governamentais adotadas por seus representantes. / Over time there has been an increasing schism between elected officials and the electorade, this causing a crisis of our democracy. This schism strengthens the view among citizens that public policy and enacted laws and regulations do not address popular needs. The result is growing disenchantment with politics itself, leading to distrust of political system, government, and, of course, politicians. This leads to the failure of our democratic system, specifically, lack of plebiscite and referendum. The principle that all power emanates from the people and must be exercised on their name has never been a reality in Brazilian history. Although such a concept may be abstract and difficult to implement, the primary reason for the failure of its implementation is the lack of accountability of politicians to their electorate. Instead, what our democratic society has seen, or at least has perceived, is that politicians do not act to address popular needs; rather, politicians act to address special interests for themselves personally and for persons with the ability to influence political decisions. The Constitution, enacted in 1988, sought to address some of these representation failures by providing mechanisms that would encourage, and enable, public participation in a more direct way with their representatives. Almost twenty-five years after the promulgation of the Constitution, it has become obvious that mechanisms have done little to address representation. The purpose of this thesis is to identify and provide a better understanding of why these representative failures occur and to examine certain instruments of direct democracy that better reflect the popular will expressed and polls by electorate.

No description available.

Diante do descontentamento do povo com seus representantes, nota-se a existência de uma possível crise democrática. Percebe-se haver uma falta de identificação entre as leis vigentes e políticas públicas adotadas com as reais necessidades populares o que gera descrença no sistema e nos políticos, levando o povo, cada dia mais, a se afastar das decisões políticas. A máxima democrática de que todo poder emana do povo e deve ser exercido em seu nome, não vem sendo demonstrada no histórico brasileiro, pois, após a eleição, alguns representantes acabam exercendo o poder em benefício próprio, e pior, muitas vezes contra o anseio popular. A Constituição da República de 1988, seguindo tendência democrática atual, buscou contornar o problema prevendo instrumentos que propiciassem a participação popular de forma direta, sem, contudo, alijar a representação. Todavia, mais de vinte anos após a promulgação da Constituição, esses mecanismos têm sido pouco utilizados. Assim, o presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar, em especial, os instrumentos da democracia direta que traduzem a vontade popular manifestada nas urnas, quais sejam: o plebiscito e o referendo. A partir de uma análise histórica da democracia, busca-se entender o porquê da escassez dessas consultas populares, bem como avaliar os meios de que dispõem para conformar o ideal do cidadão às políticas governamentais adotadas por seus representantes. / Over time there has been an increasing schism between elected officials and the electorade, this causing a crisis of our democracy. This schism strengthens the view among citizens that public policy and enacted laws and regulations do not address popular needs. The result is growing disenchantment with politics itself, leading to distrust of political system, government, and, of course, politicians. This leads to the failure of our democratic system, specifically, lack of plebiscite and referendum. The principle that all power emanates from the people and must be exercised on their name has never been a reality in Brazilian history. Although such a concept may be abstract and difficult to implement, the primary reason for the failure of its implementation is the lack of accountability of politicians to their electorate. Instead, what our democratic society has seen, or at least has perceived, is that politicians do not act to address popular needs; rather, politicians act to address special interests for themselves personally and for persons with the ability to influence political decisions. The Constitution, enacted in 1988, sought to address some of these representation failures by providing mechanisms that would encourage, and enable, public participation in a more direct way with their representatives. Almost twenty-five years after the promulgation of the Constitution, it has become obvious that mechanisms have done little to address representation. The purpose of this thesis is to identify and provide a better understanding of why these representative failures occur and to examine certain instruments of direct democracy that better reflect the popular will expressed and polls by electorate.

U.S. Puerto Rico relations have always been mystifying to countless U.S. citizens, due to inconsistent policies and judicial decisions from the United States. Puerto Ricans have no control over immigration, yet they can decide the future of the island nation. Puerto Rico is a nation under colonial rule. Paul R. Bras sistains the possibility of corporate recognition for the ethnic group as a separate nationality within an existing state evocative of the United States. The United States has treated Puerto Rico as foreign country nevertheless at times as domestic. Under U.S. law and jurisprudence Puerto Rico is not part of the United States but rather the island is a possession. The elctoral difference between the two major political parties is less than three percent. Non-native voters in the island can have the clout to decide the ultimate political status of the island. A key concern to the problem is who are considered non-native voters in Puerto Rico. Non-native voters are those who have not been born in the Puerto Rico nor have one of their parents born in the island. The exclusion is legally and politically achievable. There are many countries (Ex. East Timor) in the world, former colonies (Ex. Namibia), and previous U.S. territories (Ex. Hawaii) that serve as examples of exclusion. Voting rights in plebiscites are determined by law. U.N. General Assembly Resolution 1514, states that all powers have to be in the hands of the people of Puerto Rico. International law and policies sustain that the future political status of colonies is to be determined by the nation. Puerto Rico lacks representation in the U.S. Government. When this happens the unrepresented become a separate nation. William Appelman Williams stated thet "the principle of self determination when taken seriously ...means a ploicy of standing aside for people to make their own choices, economic as well as political and cultural." Under international las and policies of self-determination Puerto Rico can exclude non-native voters. Judicial precedents make this point very comprehensible.