The thesis context is a Welsh innovation policy continuum. The research is primarily located in three innovation programmes representative of innovation policy in Wales. The representative programmes are: the Technium network; Innovation Network Partnership; and Communities First project. The Technium network is considered to be at the hard/tangible end of the policy continuum whilst Communities First is at the softer, more intangible pole of the continuum. The aim of this thesis is to ascertain the influence social capital may have upon levels of innovation across the innovation policy continuum. To achieve the aim, the existence and extent of forms of innovation, forms of social capital, and cooperation and collaboration are considered through a positivist and interpretivist analysis. The resultant data has been further exposed to a correlation analysis, undertaken to ascertain whether or not the presence and form of social capital has an association with forms of innovation. The three programmes each have a pan-Wales presence. The programmes all originate from Welsh Assembly Government innovation policy initiatives between 2001 and 2003. For each programme a case study has been produced. The case studies have been constructed using data from survey, interviews and participant observation. The survey was completed via an on-line questionnaire by representative individuals and groups from each innovation policy continuum programme. Further data was collected by interviews held with individuals representative of roles typically undertaken at each programme. Participant observation undertaken at each programme also informed the creation of the case studies. Literature in this field of study is typically limited to a comparatively narrow investigation of traditionally measured innovation. For social capital and cooperation and collaboration, research usually has a macro scale cynosure. This study has an innovation programme locale in Wales which may be considered unique in terms of innovation and social capital research. ii The findings reveal the existence of forms of innovation, social capital, and cooperation and collaboration at each case study. However, there are differences in terms of the extent of such phenomenon along the innovation policy continuum. For instance, there appears to be an increased likelihood of traditionally measured innovation at the Technium network. Social innovation is more likely to be present at the Communities First project. Similarly, forms of social capital are more likely to be found at Communities First partnerships than at other programmes along the continuum. The correlation analysis applied to the case study survey data discloses a number of, mainly positive statistically significant associations between explanatory social capital, and cooperation and collaboration variables and dependent innovation variables. Propositions resultant of the findings, are likely to be of use to policymakers. For instance, forms of social capital appear to be positively related to traditionally measured, hidden and social innovation. Policymakers considering the design of programmes to boost levels of innovation may be advised to include means of increasing levels of social capital, cooperation and collaboration in their policy and programme proposals and evaluation criteria.

This research critically analyses the use of community intelligence in the delivery of local neighbourhood policing in South Wales and the police service in general. It examines in detail the development of policing and intelligence, particularly neighbourhood policing and community intelligence from its early beginnings and evaluates the contemporary definitions and police officer and staff perceptions of neighbourhood policing and community intelligence. This research also proposes a new definition of community intelligence and analyses how community intelligence is gathered, recorded and processed, and its relationship to the Intelligence Cycle and the National Intelligence Model. It further examines the operational application of community intelligence, including in counter terrorism and tackling organised crime, and the competing priorities, tensions and contradictions between performance management, neighbourhood policing, problem-oriented policing and intelligence-led policing. This research also evaluates the decision making process and how that may be affected by organisational issues such as, organisational culture, behaviour, management, leadership, information and knowledge. It examines the importance of community engagement in developing community intelligence and providing cohesive policing services to the public. Furthermore, this research considers the future directions of community intelligence and research on policing. The findings from this research indicate that some community intelligence is used to direct policing patrols and operations. However, there is some confusion by police officers and staff as to what constitutes community information and intelligence and thus it is not always recorded correctly limiting its use in the delivery of local neighbourhood policing and resulting in the loss of intelligence. This serves to highlight some of the areas for improvement in the policies, procedures, systems and management of intelligence. The findings also indicate the potential use of community intelligence in counter terrorism and in the provision of improved policing services to the public.

abstract: The role of the American police is to work for and with the communities they serve. The relationship between police and community, however, has not always been a positive one. In recent decades, police organizations throughout the United States have attempted various approaches to addressing the problem. Most recently, they have been focused on improving that relationship by enhancing their legitimacy. This practice is commonly known as the process-based model of policing: theoretically, a procedurally just interaction will enhance legitimacy, which in turn will enhance willingness to cooperate with the police. The benefit for police agencies in enhancing legitimacy lies in the idea that when the police are perceived as a legitimate entity, the public will be more likely to cooperate with them. Enhancing police legitimacy also offers benefits for the public, as this is preceded by a procedurally just interaction. The goal of this dissertation is to assess the applicability of the process-based model of policing to an under-studied population: Hispanics and undocumented immigrants residing within Maricopa County, Arizona. The analysis for this dissertation uses data from two different sources: a sample of Maricopa County residents (n=854) and a sample of Maricopa County arrestees (n=2268). These data are used to assess three research questions. The first research question focuses on assessing the applicability of the process-based model of regulation as a theoretical framework to study this population. The second research question compares Hispanic and White respondents’ views of procedural justice, police legitimacy, and how these perceptions relate to their willingness to cooperate with the police. The last research question examines the differences between undocumented immigrants’ and U.S. citizens’ perceptions of procedural justice, police legitimacy, and how these perceptions relate to their willingness to cooperate with the police. In doing so, this study examined the convergent and discriminant validity of key theoretical constructs. Among several notable findings, the results show that the process-based model of regulation is a promising framework within which to assess perceptions of the police. However, the framework was only supported by the sample of arrestees. Implications for theory, practice, and suggestions for future research are discussed. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Justice Studies 2017

abstract: There is demand for police reform in the United States to reduce use of force and bias, and to improve police-citizen relationships. Many believe de-escalation should be a more central feature of police training and practice. It is suggested that improving officers’ communication and conflict resolution skills will temper police-citizen interactions and reduce police use of force, and that such a change will improve citizen trust in the police. To date, however, de-escalation training has not spread widely across agencies, and de-escalation as a strategy has not been studied. Without an evidence-based understanding of these concepts, de-escalation training will proceed blindly, if at all. Accordingly, this dissertation represents one of the first empirical studies of de-escalation in police work. The author completed this study as an embedded researcher in the Spokane (WA) Police Department, and it proceeds in two parts. Part 1 was exploratory and qualitative, consisting of in-depth interviews (N=8) and a focus group (N=1) with eight highly skilled police de-escalators. These officers were nominated by peers as the best among them at de-escalating difficult encounters with citizens. The results in Part 1 explore officers’ perceptions of de-escalation and offer a definition of de-escalation as well as a description of de-escalation tactics. In Part 2, the author systematically observed the concepts developed in part 1 during 35 ride-alongs with 29 police officers, including the peer nominated officers (N=131 police-citizen encounters). This phase of the research investigated whether characteristics of officers, citizens, and situations are associated with de-escalation use, and de-escalation effectiveness. Implications from these findings are drawn for police practice, theory, and research methods. This dissertation is a launching point for empirical research on de-escalation in police work. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Criminology and Criminal Justice 2017

abstract: A void exists in public administration, criminology, and criminal justice research as it relates to the study of power in American policing agencies. This has significant ramifications for academia and practitioners in terms of how they view, address, study, and interpret behaviors/actions in American policing agencies and organizations in general. In brief, mainstream research on power in organizations does not take into account relationships of power that do not act directly, and immediately, on others. By placing its emphasis on an agency centric perspective of power, the mainstream approach to the study of power fails to recognize indirect power relationships that influence discourse, pedagogy, mechanisms of communication, knowledge, and individual behavior/actions. In support of a more holistic inquiry, this study incorporates a Foucauldian perspective of power along with an ethnographical methodology and methods to build a greater understanding of power in policing organizations. This ethnography of an American policing organization illuminates the relationship between the exercise of power and the objectification of the subject through the interplay of relationships of communication, goal oriented activities, and relationships of power. Specifically, the findings demonstrate that sworn officers and civilian employees are objectified distinctly and dissimilarly. In summary, this study argues that the exercise of power in this American policing organization objectifies the civilian employee as a second class citizen. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Public Administration 2013

abstract: There has been a tremendous amount of innovation in policing over the last 40 years, from community and problem-oriented policing to hot spots and intelligence-led policing. Many of these innovations have been subjected to empirical testing, with mixed results on effectiveness. The latest innovation in policing is the Bureau of Justice Assistance's Smart Policing Initiative (2009). Created in 2009, the SPI provides funding to law enforcement agencies to develop and test evidence-based practices to address crime and disorder. Researchers have not yet tested the impact of the SPI on the funded agencies, particularly with regard to core principles of the Initiative. The most notable of these is the collaboration between law enforcement agencies and their research partners. The current study surveyed SPI agencies and their research partners on key aspects of their Initiative. The current study uses mean score comparisons and qualitative responses to evaluate this partnership to determine the extent of its value and effect. It also seeks to determine the areas of police agency crime analysis and research units that are most in need of enhancement. Findings indicate that the research partners are actively involved in a range of aspects involved in problem solving under the Smart Policing Initiative, and that they have positively influenced police agencies' research and crime analysis functions, and to a lesser extent, have positively impacted police agencies' tactical operations. Additionally, personnel, technology, and training were found to be the main areas of the crime analysis and research units that still need to be enhanced. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the implications of these findings for police policy and practice. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.S. Criminology and Criminal Justice 2013

The co-governance of crime and disorder and the involvement of the public within quasi-deliberative consultations of participatory forums to this end has been the subject of significant bodies of research (Clarke et al, 2007, Barnes, Newman and Sullivan: 2007). Such forums were applied to the micro-level of the neighbourhood during New Labour’s tenure in office in an attempt to reduce crime and disorder and to improve the responsiveness of service delivery. This has created situations whereby the governance of communities has been shifted to the micro-level of the neighbourhood (Stoker: 2004). Hughes and Edwards (2005) have proposed examining these micro-climates of crime and disorder co-governance in attempts to understand the importance of contextual factors in structuring of forms of community safety. My research utilises grounded theory to examine the impact of differing aspects of economic redevelopment within the context of the inner City, to both foster particular crime problems, and the typical solution-sets (Jones: 1998) utilised by practitioners in addressing them. In addition, I examine the structural role and impact of economic and cultural forces of urban redevelopment in creating and managing the ‘majorities’ (Stoker: 1998) amongst the public, and their perceptions of crime and disorder patterns. My research is conducted across three separate neighbourhood ‘localities’ within Plymouth City Centre with the intention being to understand how the individual particularisms of these areas contribute to the formation of different forms of community safety, and allied with it, subtly different forms of policing.

This study examines the development of police stop and search in Scotland from the post-war period onwards. The aim is to explain the remarkable scale of stop and search, the attendant lack of political or academic engagement prior to the formation of the single service in in April 2013, and to draw out the implications, both for policing and the public. The thesis takes a top-down perspective which seeks to explain the policing direction in terms of elite outlooks and decision-making over time. It is argued that search rates in contemporary Scotland can be explained in terms of an incremental shift in the way that the tactic has been conceptualized by political and policing elites. Specifically, it is argued that the post-war construct of stop and search as a reactive mechanism premised on investigation, detection and the disruption of crime, has been displaced by a proactive model, premised on intensive, risk-based stop and search activity. It is argued that this shift has partly attenuated the link between stop searches and suspicious behaviour by introducing non-detection as a measure of successful deterrence, alongside the traditional aim of detection. In short, it is argued that stop and search has been remodelled as a tactic that can be legitimated irrespective of the outcome. The thesis will show how this shift has progressively weighted the balance between crime control and individual freedom in favour of the state, and weakened the rights of the individual, with minimal regard for procedural protection and human rights. The thesis employs a wide range of data sources and methodologies to investigate the core argument, which is developed from three interrelated positions. First, taking a historical perspective, the thesis examines elite sensibilities and decision-making in relation to stop and search from the early 1950s, through to the early 2000s. Next, the thesis adopts an empirical position to investigate the use of stop and search between 2005 and 2010, and shows how search activity on the street reflected dominant outlooks higher up the ranks. Finally, the thesis adopts a normative perspective in order to assess the ethical implications of stop and search practice in Scotland, and to develop a series of informed recommendations for policy and practice.

Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS) / The involvement of local communities in crime prevention programmes emerged as an alternative strategy for fighting and preventing crime after the failure of the criminal justice system to control and deter criminal activities effectively. Governments across the globe regard local communities as key actors in fighting and preventing crime. Community participation in crime prevention has become a key strategy to improve safety and security. The main aim of this study is to explore the extent to which residents of Khayelitsha contribute to the maintenance of security and order in their area; and to investigate the extent to which residents are empowered to solve crime problems on their own. The framework of this study is grounded on theories of crime namely: occupational choice, social learning, and social disorganisation; and concepts such as crime, crime prevention, and community participation. The literature review of this study focuses crime situation in South Africa with emphasis on crime trends, costs of crime, determinants of crime, and attempts made by the South African government to fight and prevent crime at national and local government levels. The study used key informant in-depth interviews with representatives of anti-crime community-based organisations in Site B and as well as ordinary residents of Site B. Data of this study is largely qualitative although it is supplemented with quantitative data relating to crime statistics which was collected as secondary data. In this study, both narratives and crime statistics reveal that robbery and theft-related crimes, drug abuse, and assaults are among the most predominant crimes. All informants perceived poverty and the use of drugs and alcohol as root causes of crime in Site B. The residents contribute in preventing and fighting crime in Site B by engaging in the following activities: patrolling streets as volunteers in Community Policing Forums (CPF); and providing crimerelated information to anti-crime organisations such as South African Police Service (SAPS), South African National Civic Organisation (SANCO), and Khayelitsha Development Forum (KDF). The residents also get involved in crime prevention informally by exercising informal social sanctions. However, challenges such as ineffectiveness of the law enforcement and lack of financial support hinder the residents’ participation in crime prevention.

The death of Ian Tomlinson at the G20 protests in London in April 2009 triggered a haemorrhaging of public confidence in public order policing. The protests were swiftly followed by a plethora of official inquiries and reports tasked with investigating the legitimacy of existing public order policing tactics and the associated mechanisms of accountability. Events since Tomlinson’s death indicate that this is an issue that is unlikely to dissipate any time soon. Dramatic footage taken during the 2010-11 student protests, including police officers charging protesters on horseback and dragging a disabled activist from his wheelchair, attracted widespread condemnation. The on-going revelations into the activities of undercover police officers suggest that such practices may be the tip of the iceberg. These disclosures have caused a serious crisis of legitimacy for an institution supposedly founded on a principle of ‘policing by consent’. Paradoxically, these developments have occurred during a period in which the right to protest is for the first time reflected in law. In October 2000 the much trumpeted Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA 1998) came into force in England and Wales, incorporating into domestic law the rights and freedoms enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Although the ECHR does not establish a legal right to protest per se, it does guarantee positive rights to “freedom of expression” and “freedom of peaceful assembly”, as well as prohibiting arbitrary state interferences with an individual’s liberty and security, thought, conscious and religion and right to privacy. The HRA 1998 appeared to mark a radical departure from the traditional approach and was celebrated as signalling a “constitutional shift” in the state’s approach towards public protest. A principle aim of this thesis is to examine the impact of the HRA 1998 on the regulation of public protest in England and Wales. Whilst a growing body of academic literature has analysed public order law and policy against abstract human rights principles, relatively few have attempted to ground the analysis in the experiences of protesters. This thesis seeks to begin to fill this lacuna. Moving away from a doctrinal analysis of human rights law, I utilise a socio-legal framework to examine contemporary developments in the regulation of public protest in the context of a view from below. Drawing on extensive ethnographic data and analyses of policy documents, newspaper reports, case-law, legislation and Hansard, I adopt a critical normative perspective to assess the legitimacy of the current restrictive interpretations of human rights principles in legal, political and policing-policy discourses.