This dissertation is a social, political, and cultural history of the organized Chilean legal profession in the first half of the twentieth century. It explores the causes for the creation of the Chilean Bar Association and its Legal Aid Service in the mid-1920s and follows their evolution until the mid-1960s. In the early twentieth century, lawyers were dealing with growing internal and external challenges to the traditional power they had occupied in the Chilean state throughout the nineteenth century. The main internal challenge was the social and political diversification of lawyers; the external one was the social question and working- class mobilization, which represented a threat to the existing oligarchic social and political order. Both issues questioned the traditional place of lawyers in society, their formalistic understanding of the legal system, and the role of law as the main state- building tool. In response to these threats, a group of male elite Santiago lawyers founded the Bar Association in 1925, and its Legal Aid Service, in 1932. These two institutional mechanisms created and enforced a hegemonic discourse of “professional prestige” that affirmed the power of the traditional legal elite over the growing number of middle-class, leftwing, provincial, and women lawyers. These two institutions also modified the engagement of the legal profession with the state, replacing its former political engagement with a new technical, “apolitical” and “social” function of lawyers more atuned to the new welfare state. The internal power dynamics within the Chilean Bar Association and the Legal Aid Service explain the process through which the Chilean legal profession defined the “legal field,” as increasingly distinct from, but in constant tension with, the “political”and the “social” fields. Indeed, through the combined action of the Bar Association and the Legal Aid Service, lawyers were directed to deal with social inequalities, but only to the extent that this engagement did not challenge the formalistic approach to legal procedures and the liberal understanding of property rights. Furthermore, the final result of this professional project was to push lawyers to withdraw from the field of politics and from the public sphere. However, the process of imposing this notion of lawyering was constantly contested and negotiated with a diversifying constituency of rank-and-file lawyers, and subjected to increasing external pressures from the press, the state, and the lower classes. Thus, the professional model that the Bar had contributed to construct and maintain in the first half of the century would become increasingly contested in the revolutionary decades of the 1960s and 1970s. The relative success of the Bar Association in imposing its model of lawyering in the first half of the twentieth century allows us to understand why the legalistic framework that Chilean lawyers had inherited from the nineteenth century did not change over the course of the twentieth despite the momentous social and political evolution that both profession and country experienced in this period. The history of the Chilean Bar Association thus provides an institutional explanation for the continuity of ideas about the law in the face of accelerated social transformations. At the same time, by revealing the tensions and the resistance that this project faced, the history of the Bar also reveals the gears that would eventually lead to the legal profession’s historical change.

So Ming Hang. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 218-227). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / Acknowledgements --- p.v / Content --- p.vii / List of Table and figures --- p.xi / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: the dilemma of RTHK and research questions --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Significance of the study: importance of the mass media and RTHK in the political process in Hong Kong --- p.4 / Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the study: practical policy concerns for RTHK --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3.1 --- The unstable financial situation of the public broadcasters around the world --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3.2 --- "The political context of Hong Kong, which RTHK is situated" --- p.12 / Chapter 1.4 --- Research questions --- p.22 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: The normative role of public broadcaster and their performance in actual practice compared with commercial broadcaster --- p.25 / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.25 / Chapter 2.2 --- Public vs Private --- p.26 / Chapter 2.3 --- Theoretical defense for the public broadcasting: Market failure in broadcasting --- p.27 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- Spectrum scarcity and failure of competition --- p.27 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- """Public goods"" nature of broadcasting" --- p.28 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- Externality of the broadcasting as a media --- p.29 / Chapter 2.3.4 --- The incapacity of the audience --- p.34 / Chapter 2.4 --- Spectrum scarcity: Weakening rationale --- p.35 / Chapter 2.5 --- "Market Solution for the ""public goods"" failure: Advertising" --- p.36 / Chapter 2.6 --- Empirical studies: The public broadcasters may not be very different --- p.39 / Chapter 2.6.1 --- Information source/news source/guest --- p.39 / Chapter 2.6.2 --- Topics/Agenda --- p.42 / Chapter 2.6.3 --- Frames/Themes/Angle --- p.43 / Chapter 2.6.4 --- Other studies --- p.44 / Chapter 2.7 --- Theoretical explanation for the quite similar phenomenon between the public and commercial broadcasters --- p.46 / Chapter 2.7.1 --- Political economy perspective --- p.47 / Chapter 2.7.2 --- Sociological/Cultural approach --- p.48 / Chapter 2.8 --- Empirical studies: Public broadcaster make commercial broadcaster better --- p.49 / Chapter 2.9 --- Empirical studies: Public broadcasters still show its unique role --- p.50 / Chapter 2.10 --- Empirical studies: Public broadcaster may be different but pro-government (the presence of political pressure) --- p.52 / Chapter 2.11 --- The study on Hong Kong mass media and Public Broadcasting --- p.55 / Chapter 2.12 --- Summary --- p.60 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- The historical background and expected distinctive mission of RTHK in Hong Kong --- p.63 / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.63 / Chapter 3.2 --- The basic structure and existing service of RTHK --- p.64 / Chapter 3.3 --- The historical development of RTHK as a public broadcaster --- p.66 / Chapter 3.4 --- The existing base for RTHK working as a public broadcaster --- p.71 / Chapter 3.5 --- Role of RTHK as a different broadcaster: claimed by RTHK and the government --- p.73 / Chapter 3.6 --- Role of RTHK as a different broadcaster: expected and interpreted by the public --- p.78 / Chapter 3.7 --- Role of RTHK as a different broadcaster: expected and interpreted by the pro-China camp --- p.80 / Chapter 3.8 --- Summary: High expectation on RTHK to act differently --- p.82 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Research method and design: The coverage of RTHK on 2004 Hong Kong Legislative Council election compared with the commercial broadcasters --- p.84 / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.84 / Chapter 4.2 --- 2004 Legislative Council Election as a case to compare the public and commercial broadcaster --- p.85 / Chapter 4.3 --- The Radio broadcasting in Hong Kong --- p.87 / Chapter 4.4 --- Commercial radio broadcasting in Hong Kong --- p.89 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- Commercial Radio --- p.90 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- Metro Broadcast --- p.92 / Chapter 4.5 --- Research Method: quantitative content analysis with the help of qualitative analysis --- p.94 / Chapter 4.6 --- Hypothesis setting --- p.95 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Data Analysis I: The News bulletins in the 2004 Legislative Council Election --- p.101 / Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.101 / Chapter 5.2 --- Background --- p.101 / Chapter 5.3 --- The salience of the election coverage --- p.102 / Chapter 5.4 --- The themes of the election coverage --- p.105 / Chapter 5.5 --- The news source of the election coverage --- p.112 / Chapter 5.6 --- The sound bite sources and their duration of the election coverage --- p.118 / Chapter 5.7 --- Summary: RTHK quite followed the mainstream commercial broadcasters --- p.123 / Chapter 5.8 --- Case I: The nomination period for the election --- p.125 / Chapter 5.9 --- Case II: Ma Lik has been diagnosed as having cancer --- p.136 / Chapter 5.10 --- Discussion and Summary for the finding --- p.139 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Data Analysis II: The phone-in current affairs programme in the 2004 Legislative Council Election --- p.143 / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.143 / Chapter 6.2 --- Background --- p.143 / Chapter 6.3 --- The salience of the election-related discussion --- p.145 / Chapter 6.4 --- The topics for the discussion about the election --- p.150 / Chapter 6.5 --- The guest for the election discussion --- p.165 / Chapter 6.6 --- Discussion and Summary for the findings --- p.183 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion: RTHK provided limited alternatives in the coverage of 2004 Legislative Council Election by news bulletins and phone-in programmes --- p.187 / Chapter 7.1 --- Introduction --- p.187 / Chapter 7.2 --- Summary of the findings from the study --- p.191 / Chapter 7.3 --- Implication and discussion --- p.196 / Chapter 7.4 --- Limitation and further research --- p.202 / Appendix --- p.205 / Appendix I The original quotation used in different chapters --- p.205 / Appendix II Analysis Form for each story in the news bulletin --- p.209 / Appendix III Analysis Form for the phone-in current affairs programme --- p.213 / Appendix IV The election-related topics that discussed by the phone-in programmes in the study period --- p.215 / Bibliography --- p.218

Chan Chi Kit. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-213). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / List of figures --- p.vii / Forward --- p.viii / Chapter 1. --- Introduction: democratization of Hong Kong --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- Hegemony: its origins and formation --- p.7 / Chapter i. --- The origins: Gramsci's ideas of Hegemony --- p.8 / Chapter ii. --- Hegemonic formation and ideological interpellation --- p.11 / Chapter iii. --- Discourse analysis and hegemonic formation --- p.14 / Chapter 3. --- Formation of hegemony and public discourse: Arguments and criticisms --- p.20 / Chapter i. --- Public discourse and media representation --- p.21 / Chapter ii. --- Public discourse and social formation --- p.24 / Chapter iii. --- Social formation and discursive struggles: an analytical model to contemplate hegemonic formation in public discourse --- p.32 / Chapter iv. --- Criticisms and implication on resistance strategy --- p.40 / Chapter 4. --- Research questions and methodology --- p.45 / Chapter i. --- Formation of state hegemony in public discourse: an indicator --- p.47 / Chapter ii. --- Methodology: textual analysis and documentation --- p.52 / Chapter iii. --- Sampling of media text --- p.55 / Chapter 5. --- Democratization of Hong Kong: A brief review --- p.61 / Chapter i. --- Establishing the state ideological discourse --- p.62 / Chapter ii. --- Democratization: before and after the handover --- p.63 / Chapter iii. --- Hegemony and Hong Kong democratization --- p.73 / Chapter 6. --- Never be a base of subversion': Chinese state discourse toward Hong Kong --- p.75 / Chapter i. --- Discursive logic of China's state discourse: its background and formation --- p.77 / Chapter ii. --- Discursive strategy of China's state discourse: building up authoritative and professional image --- p.90 / Chapter iii. --- Establishment of China's state discourse: social formation and discursive struggle --- p.110 / Chapter 7. --- Public discourse of Hong Kong: Before and after the handover --- p.128 / Chapter i. --- Power structure and war of position in public discourse --- p.128 / Chapter ii. --- Power structure and war of position in Hong Kong: before the handover --- p.130 / Chapter iii. --- Power structure and war of position in Hong Kong: after the handover --- p.145 / Chapter iv. --- Retreating resistance against China in public discourse --- p.163 / Chapter 8. --- Elaboration of findings and extended discussion --- p.168 / Chapter i. --- Social and discursive formation: application of the analytical model --- p.170 / Chapter ii. --- Application of hegemony and policy implications --- p.184 / Chapter iii. --- Professionals and hegemonic formation --- p.187 / Chapter iv. --- Reflections on this thesis --- p.194 / Chapter 9. --- Conclusion --- p.201 / Reference --- p.206

Ho Man-sze. / Thesis submitted in: December 2004. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [83]-[86]). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / List of Tables / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Political versus Apolitical Youth --- p.1 / Colonial Background of HK --- p.3 / Political Aspirations of HK Youth --- p.4 / Youth Studies in Political Participation --- p.7 / Research Questions --- p.8 / Significance of the Study --- p.10 / Outline of the Thesis --- p.14 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.16 / Habermasian Public Sphere --- p.16 / Basic Principles of Public Sphere by Jurgen Habermas --- p.17 / The Potential Public Sphere for HK Youth --- p.19 / The Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth --- p.25 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methodology --- p.33 / Questionnaire Survey: HK Youth Values 2002 --- p.33 / The Political Attitude of HK Youth --- p.34 / In-depth Interviews --- p.37 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Data Analyses --- p.41 / Existence of Political Discussions --- p.41 / A Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth? --- p.50 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Discussions and Conclusions --- p.73 / Social and Political Discussions Found --- p.73 / The Possible Arena of Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.74 / Domination within a Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.75 / Co-existence of Dominant and Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.76 / Interactions with the Wider Publics --- p.77 / Contributing the Democratic Development of HK --- p.78 / "Broadening the Definition of ""Subaltern""" --- p.79 / Summary --- p.81

1990年代以來，尤其是進入2000年，中國基督教開始在復興，但其發展表現出極大的地方差異。較之於其他城市，作為中國政治與文化中心的北京，其基督教發展呈現出廣泛的公共性。本文以北京不同類型教會為研究對象，主要探討基督教與公共性的關係。 / 本文認為城市基督教的復興是當代中國社會政治與文化結構性變遷帶來的結果。發展中的北京基督教存在多重意涵的公共性，而這多重公共性創造出北京基督教的不同社會與政治面貌。雖然黨國試圖壓制非官方基督教的發展，將其限制在私人領域，但基督教不僅復興，且以不同形式──公共論域、公民共同體及公民不服從參與建設中國的公民社會。 / Since the 1990s, Protestantism has been experiencing the revival in urban China. However, the development path of urban Protestantism varies in different in different areas. Compared to other cities, Beijing Protestantism is showing the new forms and has a significant impact on the public realm. / By using the most updated data obtained from years of fieldwork, this dissertation attempts to study the rising and the publicness of Beijing Protestantism with case studies of different types of churches.This study argues that the revival of urban Protestantism results from the structural transition of contemporary Chinese society, politics and culture. According to various theories on publicness, the developing Protestantism in Beijing has indeed demonstrated a variety of publicness, in the forms of its parpicitation in public sphere formation, civic community building and civil disobedience, etc. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 袁浩. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 298-311). / Abstracts also in English. / Yuan Hao.

現代信息技術，以其多元、快速的優勢使人們對中國的民主抱以樂觀的態度。公民參與是一個健康的民主制度的核心要素，如何促進公民的政治參與一直是政治參與研究領域的焦點問題。在互聯網時代，尤其是社交媒體的出現，其廉價、方便、互動性的技術優勢大大增加了政治參與的可行性。大學學生是“互聯網一代“和中國知識分子的代表。因此，了解他們的社會媒體使用行為如何影響其政治知識、政治感知和政治行為、對於認識未來中國的政治變革是重要的。本研究提出“社交媒體使用“及“在線新聞使用“兩個概念，並以此視作政治參與和民主實踐研究範疇下的新討論焦點。 / 本研究主要探討以下問題：（1）大學生通過何種渠道在線獲取新聞;（2）大學生使用不同的媒體平台獲取新聞的情況如何；（3）在線新聞使用同傳統新聞媒體使用之間的關係如何;（4）計算機能力，互聯網自我效能感，在線和離線新聞使用，社交媒體使用，政治知識，政治效能，政治信任和政治參與等核心變量之間的關係； 以及（5）計算機能力，互聯網自我效能感，在線和離線新聞使用，社交媒體使用之於政治知識、政治感知和政治參與的相對重要性。 / 本研究採用定量的研究方法。研究的主體是對中國大陸在校大學本科及研究生進行問卷調查；調查前，焦點小組輔助研究結構建立與問卷設計。問卷調查採用多階層整群抽樣的方法，在北京抽取了兩所“elite工程“大學，在長春及杭州各抽取一所非“elite工程“大學的學生參與，樣本數量為624人。研究結果顯示，當中97.4% 的受訪者均使用互聯網獲取新聞。因子分析結果顯示，中國內地大學生主要經由三種信息渠道在線獲取新聞，分別是海外新聞渠道、社交媒體渠道，以及官方新聞渠道。不同信息渠道的使用者其政治常識、政治效能和政治信任亦有所區別。同時，本研究還發現傳統新聞同網絡新聞的使用之間存在互補的關係。 / 研究結果顯示，人口學變量超越社交媒體和在線新聞使用兩個變量對中國內地大學生的政治認知及政治知識的形成發揮最重要的作用。研究還發現社交媒體和在線新聞在促進線上和線下政治參與方面具有很大潛力。結論部分將詳述本研究的貢獻與實踐意義。 / Citizen participation is a core element of a healthy democracy, and what facilitates citizens’ political activities has long been a central interest in political participation research. In the age of the Internet, especially with the appearance of social media, political participation is greatly facilitated by technology that makes information inexpensive, accessible, and interactive. Modern information technology, with its pluralism and fast speed, has made people optimistic about democracy. University students represent the Net generation and intellectuals in China; therefore, understanding how their social media use affects political knowledge, perception, and participation is valuable, to bring political change to China in the future. / Expanding the line of previous research, this study aims to address the question of the democratic implications of social media use and online news seeking from the vantage point of how individuals seek news online and how such use may be related to several key indications of individuals’ engagement in political life as citizens. Specifically, this study examines (a) the sources through which university students seek news online; (b) to what degree university students in China use different media platforms to seek news; (c) how online news seeking is related to its offline counterpart; (d) the relationships among computer competence, Internet efficacy, online and offline news seeking, social media use, political knowledge, political efficacy, political trust, and political participation; and (e) the relative influence of technological attributes, social media use, and online and offline news seeking on political attributes and political participation. / In this study, we used quantitative questionnaire surveys among university students. The questionnaire surveys were based on a stratified cluster sampling of two elite universities in Beijing and two ordinary universities in Changchun and Hangzhou. The final sample consisted of 624 university students, of whom 97.2% had used online news. Factor analysis identified three major sources of online news seeking among university students: official sources, overseas sources, and social media sources. Adopting these sources seems to affect students’ political knowledge, perception, and participation differently. Also, the supplement effect was found between online and offline news seeking. / Results also showed that demographics, rather than social media use and online news seeking, have the most power to predict political perception and knowledge among Chinese university students, and online news seeking and social media use have great potential in facilitating political engagement online and offline. How the social media use and online news seeking change the mode of state-society interactions and expands forms of political engagement are also discussed. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Zheng, Pei. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references. / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / 摘要 --- p.iii / 致謝 --- p.iv / List of Tables and Figures --- p.4 / Chapter Chapter 1 --- : Introduction --- p.1 / Research Methods --- p.9 / Main Contents of Each Chapter --- p.10 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- : Literature Review --- p.12 / Internet as a Public Sphere --- p.13 / Technology between State and Society --- p.15 / History of Technology Empowerment Since Modern China --- p.15 / Political Control over the Internet --- p.16 / Internet Empowerment of Society --- p.20 / Political Participation --- p.23 / Offline Political Participation --- p.24 / Online Political Participation --- p.25 / Social Media Use, and Offline and Online News Seeking --- p.27 / Social Media Use and Political Participation --- p.27 / Online News Seeking --- p.29 / Offline News Seeking vs. Online News Seeking --- p.32 / Computer Competence and Internet Efficacy --- p.33 / Computer Competence --- p.33 / Internet Efficacy --- p.35 / Political Knowledge --- p.37 / Political Efficacy --- p.38 / Political Trust --- p.42 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- : Research Methods --- p.57 / Questionnaire Survey --- p.57 / Sampling procedure and survey participants --- p.57 / Final sample profiles --- p.62 / Pilot tests --- p.64 / Measures --- p.64 / Internet efficacy. --- p.64 / Computer competence. --- p.65 / Social media use. --- p.65 / Online news seeking. --- p.66 / Offline news seeking. --- p.67 / Political efficacy. --- p.68 / Political knowledge. --- p.69 / Political trust. --- p.70 / Political participation. --- p.70 / Demographics. --- p.71 / Analytical Procedure --- p.72 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- : News Seeking Behaviors --- p.73 / Online News Seeking --- p.73 / News Consumption Online vs. Offline --- p.76 / Relationship Between Online and Offline News Seeking --- p.76 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- : Assessing Factors Influencing Political Participation --- p.79 / Linking Social Media Use and Online News Seeking to Political Attributes. --- p.79 / Linking Computer Competence, and Internet Efficacy to Social Media Use 1.1 and Online News Seeking --- p.84 / Computer competence --- p.84 / Internet efficacy --- p.85 / Linking Online News Seeking, Political Knowledge, Political Efficacy, 1.1 Political Trust and Political Participation --- p.87 / Political knowledge --- p.87 / Political efficacy --- p.88 / Political trust --- p.89 / Research questions --- p.90 / Predicting Political Knowledge, Efficacy and Trust --- p.91 / Predicting Political Participation --- p.97 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- : Discussion and Conclusion --- p.102 / Contributions of This Study --- p.102 / Complementary effect of offline and online news --- p.102 / Three sources of online news seeking --- p.104 / Potential of social media use and online news seeking to promote 1.1.1 online political participation --- p.107 / Political attributes: Demographic determined. --- p.108 / Offline political participation: After the Internet, before democracy --- p.110 / Limitation and Suggestions for Future Research --- p.114 / Reference --- p.117 / Glossary --- p.135

This research explores the mechanisms through which farmers in contemporary China might stage successful environmental protests by studying the Huazhen Incident. The author argues that the Huazhen farmers' success in forcing the local government to close the heavily-polluting industrial park can be accounted for by their having successfully aligned an anti-pollution frame with an anti-corruption one, employing the formal village social organizations as mobilizing structures, and creatively developing opportunities for group participation by senior villagers. These three processes empowered Huazhen farmers and constrained the repressive power of the local state as follows: First, environmental issues in Huazhen were entangled with various other social problems. Issue entrepreneurs effectively integrated farmers' multiple grievances through bridging the anti-pollution and anti-corruption frames. Secondly, Huazhen farmers creatively used formal village social organizations as mobilizing structures. By embedding a village-wide mobilization of anti-pollution protest into the village committee election process and by employing the Society of Senior Villagers to mobilize the elderly, the Huazhen protest enjoyed the support of the majority of villagers, as well as the main force of the senior villagers necessary for a breakthrough. Thirdly, farmers in Huazhen both employed existing opportunities and developed new ones, making full use of the formalistic opportunities provided by the local government. Most importantly, the farmers in Huazhen strategically explored the group-specific opportunities of the elderly for constraining state power through the weapons of the weak. During the early stages of the protest, the power of the weak forced the local government to appeal to emotion work instead of repression in order to demobilize the protesters. While officials were doing this, the elderly were protesting with a strategic dramaturgy of moderate extremism, which served to further mobilize the farmers and garner support from the general public. Confronting the moderate but persistent protests of the elderly, the local government switched to repression. Excessive repression, however, failed to control the protests. Worse still, such repression gave farmers the moral high ground. Farmers in Huazhen utilized the protest spectacle as an alternative media and turned the protest base into a direct theatre, broadcasting their protest and sensitizing the public by making them bear witness to state oppression, thereby deconstructing the official discourse of the repression. The protest of farmers in Huazhen ultimately triggered intervention from higher-level authorities, which forced the local state to make a full concession: closing the entire industrial park. / 鄧燕華. / Adviser: Lianjiang Li. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-01, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 175-190). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Deng Yanhua.

Wu, Shujun. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leave 31). / Abstracts in English and Chinese.

This dissertation is comprised of three separate papers that address how cyber power contributes to national power and the implications for international security posed by cyber operations. The first paper, “Cyber Power and International Stability: Assessing Deterrence and Escalation in Cyberspace,” posits that there are unique attributes that define the cyber domain and that have direct implications on deterrence and escalation dynamics between state actors. The second paper, “Arms Control and Confidence Building Measures for the Cyber Domain,” explores at various mechanisms that states have traditionally used to foster stability and prevent inadvertent conflict and assesses their applicability to controlling cyber operations. Finally, “The Logic of Coercion in Cyberspace” delves into the role of cyber operations as both inadvertent and deliberate signals and assesses their utility as a coercive instrument of statecraft.

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