The forces in the campaign that was to bring prohibition to Utah in 1917 had become identified with the prohibition movement by the spring of 1908. On the side of the drys were the various temperance organizations, the churches of Utah and the major political parties. Allied agaist the prohibition group were the combined liquor interests. Uncommitted to either side were the authorities of the Mormon Church, although both groups could seemingly lay claim to the support of the Church authorities when conflicting statements and actions of that body were put before the public view.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the two gubernatorial terms of J. Bracken Lee, Governor of Utah 1948-1956, and the effect he had on education during these years. Lee has been accused by his detractors of being opposed to education. He has been defended by his supporters as being a friend whose only desire was to have education operated on a sound fiscal basis. During his two terms as governor he was almost constantly involved in some dispute with the education people in the state and was frequently on the defensive against anti-education charges.

This thesis examines the role of international intervention in the area formerly known as Yugoslavia during its collapse in the first half of the 1990s (1991-1995). The Cold War had just ended, and the United Nations (UN), NATO, and the nations they represented were reevaluating their roles in a world without competition between two superpowers. The collapse of Yugoslavia and ensuing civil war presented these international bodies with an opportunity to intervene and show that they were ready to take charge in future conflicts in pursuing and achieving peace. However, what followed revealed them to be short-sighted and ill-prepared for this role as the conflict quickly escalated leading to genocide again taking place in Europe. The country of Bosnia, which emerged as its own nation in the collapse of Yugoslavia, will receive special interest due to its place as the geographic and active center of most of the war and atrocities. The United States will also be examined in detail since it eventually played a key role in achieving peace with the Dayton Peace Accords. The purpose of this study was to determine whether the intervention in Bosnia and former Yugoslavia was implemented well. After examining primary documents from the United States, the UN, NATO and other organizations, as well as secondary documents in the form of journal articles and books, it became clear that the intentions of these groups were good, but their abilities in achieving peace were not. Many leaders were highly influenced by prior experiences in either World War II or Vietnam which made it difficult for them to see this new conflict in a different light. Thus, it was only when key figures in leadership changed that the situation in Bosnia was turned around and peace became attainable. Unfortunately, this peace was only achieved after hundreds of thousands had died and millions had been displaced creating a difficult rebuilding and reunifying process for those that remained or returned following Dayton.

The reviewed book's organization around themes reflects the domination of cultural history in the field of Renaissance Studies today.

The author offers a comprehensive analysis of the thought of Machiavelli situated against the backdrop of political and biographical developments in the early 16th century.

This book reviewed investigates the negotiations of power between a political center, Venice, and its prized terraferma possession on the periphery, Brescia.

This thesis will have four main objectives. (1) A descriptive and logical summary of the events leading up to the Hungarian uprising, and of the uprising itself, will be given. (2) The aftermath of the revolution will be examined. (3) Relations between Hungary and the Western world will be explored, and the question will be raised as to whether the West could have done more to help Hungary to gain her freedom. (4) An attempt will be made to answer the question of why Russia intervened in Hungary, while not intervening in Poland.

Californians, in 1933 and 1934, were psychologically ready to act against prevailing social and economic conditions. Existing economic dislocations could not continue for long without peril. It was not clear whether the revolt would be toward fascism or extreme radicalism. There was at all events a growing popular reaction against those who had political and economic control of the State, and this was especially noticeable in the southern part of the State.

This thesis sets out to investigate the students at Uppsala university’s self-image and the image that they had of the Swedish population at the start of the 1790s. During this time the Swedish state was fearful of the Swedish students and their political opinions due to, amongst several reasons, the involvement of French students during the French revolution. The students at this time were also regarded in two different ways, firstly as youths, secondly as the future power wielders in the state bureaucracy. Due to these aspects the students view of themselves, and the population were regarded as political and dangerous. The problem this thesis aimed to investigate was therefore to investigate what exactly these opinions were.  The research has shown that students often portray themselves as the future teachers and saviors of the country. They do this by creating an image of a population that is uneducated and subject to both prejudice and oppression. In the narrative they create, they portray a conceptual ruling elite that is made out to represent the old, wicked ways that the students are going to save the population from through their virtues. The influence of social classification and influence from the French Revolution is adamant throughout the entire pamphlet and provides an opportunity to understand the students’ opinions in a larger contemporary framework. The findings in this thesis can aid in understanding an early power relationship between those who are governed and those who govern. Showing how the students, who would become the future societal elites, may have viewed those whom they would later on wield power over

<p>In Canada, as in the United States, cities seemed to many to be in complete disarray in the 1960s. Growing populations and the resultant increased demands for housing fed rapid suburban sprawl, creating a postwar burst of urban and suburban planning as consultants were hired in city after city to address the challenges of the postwar era. During this period expressway proposals sparked controversy in urban centres across the developed world, including every major city in Canada, namely Vancouver, Edmonton, Winnipeg, Toronto, Montréal and Halifax. Residents objected to postwar autocentric planning designed to encourage and promote the continued growth of city centres. Frustrated by unresponsive politicians and civic officials, citizen activists challenged authorities with an alternate vision for cities that prioritized the safeguarding of the urban environment through the preservation of communities, the prevention of environmental degradation, and the promotion of public transit. As opponents recognized the necessity of moving beyond grassroots activism to established legal and government channels to fight expressways, their protests were buoyed by the rapidly rising costs that plagued the schemes. By the latter half of the 1960s, many politicians and civil servants had joined the objectors. Growing concerns over the many costs of expressways -- financial, social, environmental, and eventually, political -- resulted in the defeat of numerous expressway networks, but most were qualified victories with mixed legacies.</p> <p>Expressway disputes were an instrumental part of a wider struggle to define urban modernity, a struggle that challenged the basis of politicians and civil servants power by questioning their legitimacy as elected leaders and uniquely qualified experts, respectively. The subsequent emergence of urban reform groups that sought to change the direction of city development by challenging the autocratic municipal bureaucracies was the direct legacy of expressway and other development battles. Despite this, autocentric planning continued and demands for greater citizen participation did not result in significant changes to the form and function of municipal governments.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)