In the decade of the 1830's, Alexis de Tocqueville published a perceptive analysis of America in the Jacksonian era, which focused upon the customs, manners and intellectual habits of its citizens, and their social condition as seen through its political institutions. He advanced the proposition--a paradox of democracy--that equality of condition was as compatible with tyranny as with freedom. The social consensus, which stemmed from the wide acceptance of doctrine of equality and common wants and interests, when brought to bear upon legislator and judge, public official, juryman, and the non-conforming individual, he termed the "tyranny of the majority."

This is a study of Greenlandic and Danish members of parliament's statements in Folketinget between 1960-1962. The study aims to see in which matters the Greenlandic members presented their statements, as well as what can be discerned from the Greenlandic and Danish members’ statements about the formers possibilities to change Greenland’s political situation.The study will also examine the statements made from a postcolonial viewpoint to see if they overlap with the theory. The study shows that the statements made by both the Danish and Greenlandic members of Folketinget overlap with the postcolonial theory several times. Edward Said, Franz Fanon and Michel Foucoults theories can all be traced within their statements. Foremost, Homi Bhabha and what he described as colonial mimicry is found on several occasions. The Greenlandic members of Folketinget made staments in a variety of political areas, both about specific issues on Greenland itself as well as how to change the asymmetrical relationship between Greenland and Denmark. Their possibilities to alter Greenland’s political situation was greatly hindered seeing as the Greenlandic members of Folketinget could not partake on the same terms as their danish collegues. Greenland also lacked any real political power in foreign politics, and therefore any tangible political voice when negotiating international treaties.

The eye witnesses against MacArthur were members of the Truman Administration. Acheson and Marshall were the principal critics of MacArthur’s stand. Secretary Acheson testified that MacArthur had done a fine job in Japan and our allies agreed without policy there. Acheson replied to the alleged lack of policy by making a distinction between our policy and our war aims. Our policy in Korea looked to a unified, independent democratic government, but our war aim was to stop the attack on South Korea. Regarding the proposal that the United States take unilateral action if our allies did not support us, he said that our collective-security system could not survive if we took action other members of the system disapproved. He opposed the use of Nationalist troops on the grounds that it would weaken the defense of Formosa, and was complicated by other nations fighting in Korea that did not recognize the Nationalist Government. Finally Acheson denied that MacArthur was not allowed to issue battle communiques on the real military situation in Korea. However he felt that the General’s release of March 20 concerning truce negotiations gave the impression that the United States was speaking with two voices. Secretary of Defense George Marshall has a military point of view and at the same time a global picture of the situation. He believed that the Nationalist forces would not be effective in Korea. He testified that MacArthur’s removal was necessitated by his public disagreement with the foreign and defense policies of the United States. He made it clear that MacArthur had not violated any military policy, but he had made public his disagreement with it to such a degree that it interfered with the carrying out of that policy. All of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Marshall testified, concurred in the relief of General MacArthur. General Bradley’s testimony was probably the most damaging to MacArthur. The principal point bought out by Bradley was that MacArthur’s strategy would involve us in the wrong war, at the wrong place, at the wrong time, and with the wrong enemy. He pointed out that we also had sanctuary since the Chinese did not bomb out ports and supply bases. He felt that a blockade would involve the ports of Hong Kong and Dairen, and therefore would not be tenable. Furthermore, MacArthur was not in agreement with the decision to limit the conflict to Korea, and his actions, Bradley said, jeopardized the civilian control of the military authorities. Both Generals Breadeley and Collins agreed that they would have to resign and speak out in case they were involved in a conflict in which duty and the best interest of the country could not be reconciled.

During World War II, Japanese across North America were forced into internment camps out of suspicion and wartime hysteria. The historiography has chosen to focus specifically on Japanese Americans and their experiences. Academic and popular history is overwhelmingly focused on Japanese Americans, with minimal discussion ever given to Japanese Canadians or Mexicans who were interned. Tens of thousands of Japanese Canadians were interned during this tumultuous time. By ignoring their testimonies and hardships, history has forgotten these oppressed people. This thesis seeks to examine the current historiography of Japanese Canadians and compare it to that of Japanese Americans while also exploring the importance of including Japanese Canadians in the historiography. By tying together family history and academic research, this work seeks to bring greater attention to this subject so that the plights of these innocent people are no longer forgotten.

This thesis is an unbiased attempt to look a Senator Albert Jeremiah Beveridge, a man who made history in his own time in his own way. Moreover, this thesis attempt to objectively present Senator Beveridge in the context of the era in which he lived as a generating force in America's colonial adventure at the turn of the century. Senator Albert J. Beveridge, a Hamiltonian nationalist by inheritance, believed in a strong central government. Furthermore, he believed that the end of government should be the gaining of power and material forces, redeeming the redeemable nations of the world and subjugating the inferior races under American law and American institutions, religious, political, social and economic. Reviving the spirit of manifest destiny at the close of the last century, after it had waned during the Civil War era, Albert Beveridge and other expansionists plunged deeply into the fight to build an American colonial empire.

No description available.

This study examines the operational history of the First Cavalry Divisions conquest of the Admiralty Islands during World War Two as the final phase of Operation Cartwheel. Cartwheel called a two pronged attack; one prong in New Guinea, by-passing large Japanese garrisons and the other in the northern Solomon Islands with the goal the isolation of the strong point at Rabaul. The material is drawn primarily from U.S. Army records held by the National Archives at College Park, Maryland, records from the Air Force Historical Research Agency at Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama and other reports. The study concludes that the conquest of the Admiralty Islands allowed the by-pass of Rabaul and Wewak, New Guinea. The Admiralty Islands served as a base for future operations carried out against the Japanese.

In the middle decade of the thirteenth century, the Benedictine monk and historian Matthew Paris drew four regional maps of Britain. The monk's works stand as the earliest extant maps of the island and mark a distinct shift from the cartographic traditions of medieval Europe. Historians have long considered the version attached to the monk's Abbreviatio Chronicorum – the Claudius map – as the last and most thorough of Paris's images of Britain. However, scholars have focused on the document's limitations as an accurate geographic representation and have failed to consider critically Paris's representation of Britain with an eye towards its political implications. This thesis is an examination of the elements of the Claudius map, in context with the monk's historical writings, to argue that Paris's map of Britain should be studied as an aggressive cultural artifact through which the monk posited imperial English claims to suzerainty over the whole of the island.

Lyndon Johnson's opponents used the outcome of his 1948 senatorial bid to demonstrate his dishonesty. This win by eighty-seven disputed votes gave him the derogatory title, "Landslide Lyndon." Johnson's initial senate campaigns in 1941 and 1948 are examined for Texas Politics as usual. Upon Senator Sheppard's death in 1937, a special election precipitated with Martin Dies, Gerald Mann, Lyndon Johnson, and W. Lee O'Daniel as the candidates. Although this election has not received the notoriety of 1948, it exemplifies Texas Politics as usual where thousands of manipulated votes resulted in O'Daniel's late victory. Johnson's next race for the senate came in 1948. He ran against George Peddy and Coke Stevenson. This expensive campaign rested upon two hundred two invalid votes from Jim Wells County. In reality, tens of thousands of manipulated votes on both sides resulted in litigation making its way to the United States Supreme Court.

The Tudor Reformation period represents an era fraught with religious and political controversy. It is my goal to present the crucial role the nobility played in the success of the Henrician Reformation as well as to provide a reasonable explanation for the nobility's reaction to religious and political reform. I will also seek to quantify the significance of the nobility as a social group and prove the importance of their reaction to the success of the Henrician Reformation. The nobles because of patronage, self-interest, piety, apathy, fear, or practicality were motivated to support the king's efforts. Their response was the key to the success or failure of the Henrician Reformation. Although Henry VIII started the process of reform, the Henrician Reformation would never have been successful without the enforcement, collaboration, and backing of the nobility.