Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Este trabalho tem por objetivo estudar, tendo como objeto a Comissão de Melhoramentos da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, a construção do discurso da higiene e urbanização que se delineou no Rio de Janeiro a partir da epidemia de 1849 e construiu ao longo do século XIX um discurso de cidade civilizada e moderna a partir de planos de melhoramentos urbanos e sanitários, em um movimento liderado por engenheiros e sanitaristas, em sua maioria, ligados ao poder público, discurso este que irá se materializar, efetivamente, no início do século XX com o Prefeito Francisco Pereira Passos. / This present work has the objective, upon the study of the Comissão de Melhoramentos da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, the building of the discourse on the hygiene and urbanism on the city of Rio de Janeiro since the first epidemic of 1849 and aware the beginning of the speech about civilization and modernism on XIX century, leading by engineers and doctors, mostly member of the state. That speech will effectively became reality with Francisco Pereira Passos on XX century.

This thesis proposes a critical exchange between architecture and graffiti. Graffiti in Athens plays a key role in the expression of Greek tensions making this city an ideal place for developing such an exchange. The author acts in a three-fold manner in this research: as architectural designer, one with an impulse to survey by drawing and capable of grasping the matrix of the surfaces upon which graffiti finds an expression; as graffiti writer, somebody with some practical experience as graffitist hence partially equipped to decode the graffiti matrix placed on any given architectural matrix; and as writer on graffiti, who is interested in bringing together and working between the architectural and graffiti matrices to reveal their convergences, deviations and interdependences, and, in so doing, expose the hidden spatiality of graffiti writing. Stemming from this peculiar triple positioning, this book promotes a new situating of Athenian inscriptions. The thesis is presented as an Atlas of Athenian Inscriptions, a book of drawings of writings and writings on drawings. The Atlas offers, in both drawn and written form, a close study of four situations in which graffiti has been recorded. The thesis regards a recent significant graffiti Exhibition – in which the author is actively implicated by being invited into it as a graffiti writer and writer on graffiti – as a starting point, as its situation zero. By de-situating graffiti from its original urban and political context whilst placing it onto the gallery surfaces, this thesis argues that the Exhibition undermines graffiti’s critical potency and has transformed graffiti into an aesthetic object. However, perhaps paradoxically, presenting graffiti as an empty gesture, the Exhibition nonetheless raises questions concerning the situating role of graffiti. By including it in the Atlas together with the following more overt surface ruptures in political edifices, the Exhibition is framed as an equally political situation. The other three situations, all in Athens’ city centre, reflect three important periods in local political history and are emblematic in that they are the epicentres of historical ruptures during which they are extensively graffitied: the former Nazi Detention Centre which operates during the Axis occupation (1941-1944); the Athens Polytechnic that plays a pivotal role in the student uprising against the Greek Military Junta (1967-1974); and the Bank of Greece HQ building which is a site of recurring political expression in contemporary crisis (2010-2015). The Atlas indexes graffiti and related information from the city of Athens, the systematic organisation of which creates different graffiti-related matrices allowing us to make sense of, navigate in and reconstruct the Athenian graffiti landscape through characteristic surface environments. By placing different political situations in the same set with the Exhibition, the thesis aims to give critical voice to how graffiti is perceived. By resituating (graffiti) images, the Atlas restores broken and creates new links between them and their surfaces whilst revealing not only the spatiality of graffiti in Athens but also the spatiality of architecture of Athens as a recurring tension between the matrices of dissensus and consensus. The thesis deconstructs the mythology that architecture represents consensus and graffiti dissensus, since each is embedded in the other. Ultimately, by carefully considering graffiti’s situating character and graphic articulation, this research promotes rupture to the smoothing of its political asperity attempted by architecture, institutions and those writing on graffiti that seek to restrain it.

The changes that are being processed worldwide nowadays, globalization, formation of international state communities, as European Union, South Market, have fostered important changes in the knowledge during the last decades. Several social scientists, from several subjects, have been trying to review their concepts, having as a target to understand this new reality. Thinking about the current integration process, or the integrationist projects in vogue in Latin America, demands a new look over the continent history. It s indispensable to rethink the question round the national-states formation, the federalism, the revolutions, in short, to rethink the political history of Platinum Region. Accordingly, the objectives of this work were to understand: the fundaments in which the federalist-liberal elite speech, that commanded the Revolution from 1893-1895 were based on; the platinum political-historical context in the late century XIX, mainly in Argentina, Uruguay and Rio Grande do Sul; the webs formed by the opposition groups from Argentina (Radicals), from Uruguay (Blancos) and from Rio Grande do Sul (federalist-liberals); the speech as well as the political project built by the federalist-liberals from Rio Grande do Sul, lead by Gaspar Silveira Martins. The work has been based mainly on bibliographic survey and documents copied in this bibliography, and it had a theoretical basis that runs through the Political history, Cultural history, added of an interdisciplinary dialogue. The federalist-liberals have based their speech on the conceptions present in the authors linked to the Natural People Law and the Liberalism-enlightenment, appropriated through formal education in schools and universities and also informal, through reading of party newspapers, party meetings or in secret societies, such as the freemasonry. The political oppositional groups from RS, Uruguay and Argentina have experienced very similar realities and their projects also approached in many points: they had been excluded from the administrations, claimed for the collectivity autonomy for the minority, the states (RS), the provinces (Argentina) and the departments (Uruguay), inside the federal state, had the federalism as a flag. These groups formed, in the period from 1893-1895, solidarity webs, with the objective of strengthening themselves. The federalist-liberals have built a speech where they reassured their political identity, justified the revolution, and built a project for the State, articulated with the blancos Uruguayans and radical Argentinians, where they cogitated the separation of Rio Grande do Sul from the Brazilian federation and the constitution of a new federal Republic in extreme South America. / As mudanças que estão em processo no mundo atual, globalização, formação de comunidades internacionais de Estados, como a União Européia, o Mercosul, geraram nas últimas décadas importantes mudanças no conhecimento. Diversos cientistas sociais, de diversas disciplinas, têm procurado rever seus conceitos, visando a compreender esta nova realidade. Pensar o processo atual de integração ou os projetos integracionistas em voga na América Latina exige um novo olhar sobre a história do continente. É fundamental repensar a questão em torno de formação dos Estadosnacionais, do federalismo, das revoluções, enfim, repensar a história política da Região Platina. Por conseguinte, os objetivos do trabalho foram compreender os fundamentos que embasaram o discurso da elite liberal-federalista que comandou a Revolução de 1893-1895; o contexto histórico-político platino no final do século XIX, principalmente na Argentina, no Uruguai e no Rio Grande do Sul; as redes formadas pelos grupos de oposição da Argentina (Radicais), do Uruguai (Blancos) e do Rio Grande do Sul (liberais-federalistas); o discurso e o projeto político construído pelos liberaisfederalistas do Rio Grande do Sul, liderados por Gaspar Silveira Martins. Baseamos o trabalho principalmente em levantamentos bibliográficos e documentos reproduzidos, cujo o fundamento teórico transita pela História Política, pela História Cultural, acrescido de um diálogo interdisciplinar. Os liberais-federalistas embasaram seu discurso nas concepções presentes nos autores ligados ao Direito Natural e das Gentes e no Iluminismo-liberalismo, apropriadas através da educação formal em escolas e universidades, e também informal, na leitura de jornais partidários, reuniões partidárias ou em sociedades secretas, a exemplo da maçonaria. Os grupos políticos de oposição do RS, do Uruguai e da Argentina, viviam realidades muito semelhantes e seus projetos também se aproximavam em muitos pontos: estavam excluídos das administrações, reivindicavam a autonomia das coletividades menores , os estados (RS), as províncias (Argentina) e os departamentos (Uruguai), dentro do Estado federal, tinham como bandeira o federalismo. Esses grupos formaram, no período de 1893-1895, redes de solidariedade, com o objetivo de se fortalecerem mutuamente. Os liberais-federalistas construíram um discurso em que reafirmaram sua identidade política, justificaram a revolução e construíram um novo projeto de Estado, articulado com os blancos uruguaios e radicais argentinos com o propósito de cogitar a separação do RS da federação brasileira e a constituição de uma nova República federativa no extremo sul da América.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2001Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:27:06Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 lanza_f_me_fran.pdf: 399615 bytes, checksum: 2ef881ec68f5c0267237ec0569891d6c (MD5) / Esta pesquisa apresenta como objetivo o estudo analítico e interpretativo sobre o discurso-memória do clero da Igreja Católica na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo, referente ao período político do Regime Militar no Brasil de 1964 a 1985. Nas investigações, ficou constatado que o discurso da Igreja Católica, no âmbito nacional, não é uníssono em relação a esse período político da história brasileira, e diversas matrizes influenciaram as ações dos clérigos paulistanos contra a Ditadura Militar. Analisou-se e interpretou-se o discurso do clero que atuava na região metropolitana de São Paulo, nessa época, por meio de uma perspectiva metodológica qualitativa que privilegia a fonte oral, no caso, o discurso-memória e os arquivos do jornal Arquidiocesano O São Paulo. As expressões e versões emitidas pelos entrevistados são partes de suas vidas, dessa forma, toda análise e interpretação são por si mesmas, um exercício que não pode perceber ou traduzir toda a profundidade ou a vitalidade vivida por essas pessoas. Afirmar o contrário seria não ser realista e sim, estaria incorrendo em erro. Assim, as entrevistas do Cardeal Dom Paulo Evaristo Arns e dos bispos Dom Angélico Sândalo Bernardino, Dom Antônio Celso de Queiroz e Dom Benedito Ilhôa Vieira foram fontes riquíssimas de um valor inominável a esta pesquisa. / This research has as a goal the analytic and interpretative study about the Catholic Church clergy speech-memory in São Paulo Metropolitan area, regarding to the Brazilian Military System political period, from 1984 to 1985. ln the investigations it was evidenced that the Catholic Church discourse in the National scope is not unison in relation to this Brazilian history political period and several churches head offices infiuenced in the actions of Sao Paulo State clergymen against the Military Dictatorship. The clergy speech that was performed the Sao Paulo Metropolitan area was analyzed and certified, at that time, by a qualitative methodological perspective that privileges the oral source, in this case the speech-memory and the files in the Archdiocese newspaper, O São Paulo. The expressions and the versions emitted by the interviewees are parts of their lives, in this way, all the analyses and interpretation are by themselves, an exercise that cannot notice or express the greatness or the vitality that these people had lived. To asseverate the opposite would not be realist and certainly, it wowd be a mistake. Themby, the interviews did by the Cardinal Dom Paulo Evaristo Ams and the Bishops Dom Angélico Sândalo Bernardino, Dom Antônio Celso de Queiroz and Dom Benedito lIhôa Vieira was a very rich source in an unnamable value to this research.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-11-12Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:43:46Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 costa_mas_dr_assis.pdf: 1527117 bytes, checksum: 7cc033f14294c90c0827bc9ff0eba6b6 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Nesta pesquisa analisamos a trajetória intelectual de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda entre os anos de 1930 e 1980. Neste período decisivo da história contemporânea do Brasil, o autor não só esteve presente nos principais momentos como refletiu sobre eles, suas conseqüências, seus desdobramentos. Além dos livros clássicos, o autor se manifestou por meio de uma vasta produção jornalística, que permanecia, até então, desconhecida do público. Esta pesquisa teve como objetivos gerais, primeiro uma parte prática, ou seja, a organização do material inédito de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, disperso em arquivos de jornais, universidades, museus e bibliotecas, que não havia sido totalmente organizado e que ainda aguardava o devido tratamento; segundo, uma parte teórica, o desafio de procurar captar, na trama de suas experiências pessoais, o pensamento político de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda como intelectual ativo na sociedade em que vivia, seja por meio das idéias, seja por meio da ação direta, buscando determinar além de suas peculiaridades, as suas convergências no campo de sociabilidade no qual se movia. / In this research we analyzed Sérgio Buarque de Holanda’s intellectual track between the years of 1930 and 1980. In this remarkable period of Brazilian contemporary history, the author wasn’t only present in the most important moments but he also had some influences in them, through the consequences he caused due to his attitudes. Besides showing himself through classic books, the author was also present in a vast journalistic production, that remained unknown by the public before. This research had as general goals a practical and a theoretical phase. The practical phase consists of the organization of Sérgio Buarque de Holanda’s unpublished material, that was disperse in newspaper archives, universities, museums and libraries. Material which hadn’t been organized and set and was still waiting for the suitable treatment. The next phase of the research, the theoretical one, focuses on the challenge of capturing the political views of Sérgio Buarque de Holanda as an active intellectual in the society he lived in, either by his ideas or by his direct attitudes trying to determine his particularities and convergences in the social field of that time.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2004-10-27Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:23:42Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 alcantara_jc_dr_assis.pdf: 2609481 bytes, checksum: dcd797ffa53022a54bbd831deccf17a7 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá. / An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced.

This paper analyzes the evolution of the Front national (FN), a French political party on the far right, from its initial breakthrough victory in 1984 all the way through to its unprecedented showing in France’s 2017 presidential election. The most obvious change it explores is that of leadership, seeking to determine in what ways the ‘original’ FN controlled by its founder Jean-Marie Le Pen (1972-2011) differs from the party’s ‘new’ incarnation under his daughter Marine Le Pen (2011-present). It begins by examining the makeup and motivations of the party’s electorate in the 1984 elections to the European Parliament, and by identifying the FN’s ideological predecessors more broadly. With a focus on the turning-point presidential elections of 2002, 2007, and 2012, the paper then follows the development of the party’s rhetoric, strategy, and supporters since the 1980s, as well as how it is perceived by the wider public. Throughout, attention is paid to unique factors that have impacted the FN’s trajectory, such as the gender difference between Jean-Marie and Marine, former President Nicolas Sarkozy’s courting of right-wing voters, and the influence of terrorism. It concludes by noting the hidden ‘victories’ that the FN has achieved, and with a warning never to underestimate the party, even when it seems to have suffered a loss.

This study, integrated to researches in developing at the research area "Border, Politics and Society" of the Master's Graduate Program in History at the Universidade Federal de Santa Maria (PPGH-UFSM), Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, counting with assistance of CAPES/DS, aimed to investigate the forms of political participation of the German immigrants Karl von Koseritz, Frederico Haensel, Karl von Kahlden and Whilhelm ter Brüggen during the second half of the nineteenth century, in Rio Grande do Sul, during which one was still very restricted the participation of immigrants in the official political life on account the limitations imposed by the electoral legislation from century XIX and restrictions linked to income. These characters were selected because of two common elements between them: were the first group of foreign of Germanic origin that reach the office of Provincial Deputy in Rio Grande do Sul in the 1880's, and composed the mercenary troops of Brummer contracted in 1851 to act with the Brazilian Imperial Force in the War against Oribe and Rosas (1851-1852). The time frame was defined taking into account the year of 1851 as a landmark of the arrival in Brazil of the investigated characters, and the year of 1881 as the enactment of the Saraiva Law, which expanded the political participation of foreigns in elective office. The study was realized by investigation of participation of these four individuals in different social spaces in which they circulated. The political and life trajectories of they showed similarities. Thus, they formed a group with great specificity who served in public office, in Freemasonry, in recreational and charities associations, in trade and in press. The main attention was paid to public office who they exercised. Karl von Kahlden as Director Colonial, Frederico Haensel as Vice Consul of Prussia, Karl von Koseritz as Interpreter Colonization Agent and Wilhelm ter Brüggen as Consul of Prussia. / O presente estudo, integrado aos trabalhos em desenvolvimento na linha de pesquisa “Fronteira, Política e Sociedade” do Mestrado do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da Universidade Federal de Santa Maria (PPGH-UFSM), Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, contando com auxílio de bolsa CAPES/DS, teve como objetivo investigar as formas de participação política dos imigrantes germânicos Karl von Koseritz, Frederico Haensel, Karl von Kahlden e Whilhelm ter Brüggen durante a segunda metade do século XIX, no Rio Grande do Sul, período no qual ainda era muito restrita a participação de imigrantes na vida política oficial frente as limitações impostas pela legislação eleitoral vigente no séc. XIX e por conta de restrições ligadas a renda. Os referidos personagens foram selecionados devido a dois elementos em comum entre eles: constituíram o primeiro grupo de estrangeiros de origem germânica a alcançar o cargo de Deputado Provincial no Rio Grande do Sul na década de 1880, e compuseram as tropas mercenários dos Brummer contratadas em 1851 para atuarem junto à força imperial brasileira na Guerra contra Oribe e Rosas (1851-1852). O recorte temporal foi delimitado tendo em conta o ano de 1851 como marco da chegada ao Brasil dos personagens investigados, e o ano de 1881 como a promulgação da Lei Saraiva, que ampliou a participação política de estrangeiros em cargos eletivos. O estudo foi realizado através da investigação da participação desses quatro indivíduos nos diversos espaços sociais nos quais circularam. As trajetórias políticas e de vida deles apresentaram semelhanças. Assim, constituíram um grupo com grande especificidade que atuou em empregos públicos, na maçonaria, em associações recreativas e de beneficência, no comércio e na imprensa. A atenção principal foi dada aos cargos públicos que exerceram. Temos Karl von Kahlden como Diretor Colonial, Frederico Haensel como Vice-Cônsul da Prússia, Karl von Koseritz como Agente Intérprete da Colonização e Wilhelm ter Brüggen como Cônsul da Prússia.

Orientador: Célia Reis Camargo / Banca: Marly Rodrigues / Banca: Áureo Busetto / Resumo: A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por objeto de estudo as propostas de tombamento de bens culturais apresentadas por agentes políticos e sociais dos municípios do oeste paulista ao CONDEPHAAT (Conselho de Defesa do Patrimônio Histórico, Artístico, Arqueológico e Turístico), órgão que institui e preserva o patrimônio paulista. No trabalho foram analisados os guichês e processos de tombamento onde foi abordado o ideário que esteve presente nas discussões e decisões do CONDEPHAAT, nas manifestações dos envolvidos e nas iniciativas das sociedades locais ao solicitar o tombamento, argumentando sobre seu valor. Foi possível identificar os embates pela preservação do patrimônio entre os diversos agentes do processo, com ênfase para os técnicos e conselheiros do CONDEPHAAT. A região oeste de São Paulo foi à última a ser ocupada e integrada ao restante do estado, sendo formada por municípios que se constituíram nas primeiras décadas do século XX sob o signo da modernidade e do progresso e esses conceitos acabam por conflitar com a noção de história enquanto visão de passado e pode-se considerar que a história presente não é reconhecida como objeto de preservação, nem pelo poder público nem pela sociedade local. / Abstract: The present master's degree dissertation has for study object the protection proposals of cultural goods presented by political and social agents of the municipal districts in western São Paulo State to Condephaat (Conselho de Defesa do Patrimônio Histórico, Artístico, Arqueológico e Turístico), organ that institutes and preserves the heritage from São Paulo. In the work, windows and protection processes were analyzed where was approached the ideary that was present in the discussions and decisions of Condephaat, in the manifestations of those involved and in the initiatives of the local societies when requesting the protection, arguing on in value. It was possible to identify the resistences for the preservation of the heritage among the several agents of the process, with emphasis for the technicians and counselors of Condephaat. The western region of São Paulo was the last to be occupied and integrated into the rest of the state, being formed by municipal districts that were constituted in the first few decades of the XX century under the sign of the modernity and of the progress and those concepts conflict with the history notion while past vision and it can be considered that the present history is not recognized as preservation object, neither by the public power nor by the local society. / Mestre

Orientador: Ivan Aparecido Manoel / Resumo: Esta pesquisa apresenta como objetivo o estudo analítico e interpretativo sobre o discurso-memória do clero da Igreja Católica na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo, referente ao período político do Regime Militar no Brasil de 1964 a 1985. Nas investigações, ficou constatado que o discurso da Igreja Católica, no âmbito nacional, não é uníssono em relação a esse período político da história brasileira, e diversas matrizes influenciaram as ações dos clérigos paulistanos contra a Ditadura Militar. Analisou-se e interpretou-se o discurso do clero que atuava na região metropolitana de São Paulo, nessa época, por meio de uma perspectiva metodológica qualitativa que privilegia a fonte oral, no caso, o "discurso-memória" e os arquivos do jornal Arquidiocesano O São Paulo. As expressões e versões emitidas pelos entrevistados são partes de suas vidas, dessa forma, toda análise e interpretação são por si mesmas, um exercício que não pode perceber ou traduzir toda a profundidade ou a vitalidade vivida por essas pessoas. Afirmar o contrário seria não ser realista e sim, estaria incorrendo em erro. Assim, as entrevistas do Cardeal Dom Paulo Evaristo Arns e dos bispos Dom Angélico Sândalo Bernardino, Dom Antônio Celso de Queiroz e Dom Benedito Ilhôa Vieira foram fontes riquíssimas de um valor inominável a esta pesquisa. / Abstract: This research has as a goal the analytic and interpretative study about the Catholic Church clergy speech-memory in São Paulo Metropolitan area, regarding to the Brazilian Military System political period, from 1984 to 1985. ln the investigations it was evidenced that the Catholic Church discourse in the National scope is not unison in relation to this Brazilian history political period and several churches head offices infiuenced in the actions of Sao Paulo State clergymen against the Military Dictatorship. The clergy speech that was performed the Sao Paulo Metropolitan area was analyzed and certified, at that time, by a qualitative methodological perspective that privileges the oral source, in this case the "speech-memory" and the files in the Archdiocese newspaper, "O São Paulo". The expressions and the versions emitted by the interviewees are parts of their lives, in this way, all the analyses and interpretation are by themselves, an exercise that cannot notice or express the greatness or the vitality that these people had lived. To asseverate the opposite would not be realist and certainly, it wowd be a mistake. Themby, the interviews did by the Cardinal Dom Paulo Evaristo Ams and the Bishops Dom Angélico Sândalo Bernardino, Dom Antônio Celso de Queiroz and Dom Benedito lIhôa Vieira was a very rich source in an unnamable value to this research. / Mestre