The French Revolution continues to fascinate historians. The political culture which it is said to have spawned has recently become a particularly salient feature in its recent historiography. Many have argued that the discrepancy between the hopes that the Revolution initially generated and the destruction, war, and terror that followed was the inevitable result of this culture. Within this framework, the defeat of the constitutional proposals of the group of moderate politicians known as the Monarchiens has been portrayed as the Revolution’s missed opportunity to avoid the violence of the Terror. Their most important proposals were for a bicameral legislature and strong royal authority. My thesis questions assumptions about the ideological coherence of the five most influential proponents of this model and the inevitability of their defeat. To do this, I will analyze the pre-revolutionary political careers of these men up to the defeat of their proposals in the summer of 1789, and demonstrate that their political proposals were contingent on the political context, often changing drastically to fit the demands of circumstance.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Este trabalho tem por objetivo estudar, tendo como objeto a Comissão de Melhoramentos da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, a construção do discurso da higiene e urbanização que se delineou no Rio de Janeiro a partir da epidemia de 1849 e construiu ao longo do século XIX um discurso de cidade civilizada e moderna a partir de planos de melhoramentos urbanos e sanitários, em um movimento liderado por engenheiros e sanitaristas, em sua maioria, ligados ao poder público, discurso este que irá se materializar, efetivamente, no início do século XX com o Prefeito Francisco Pereira Passos. / This present work has the objective, upon the study of the Comissão de Melhoramentos da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, the building of the discourse on the hygiene and urbanism on the city of Rio de Janeiro since the first epidemic of 1849 and aware the beginning of the speech about civilization and modernism on XIX century, leading by engineers and doctors, mostly member of the state. That speech will effectively became reality with Francisco Pereira Passos on XX century.

This thesis is a study of the role of Scots and Scottish society in the politics of the Westminster Parliament and the British Union-state during the later Georgian period. Specifically, it analyses the lobbying activity of certain Scottish interests at Parliament and the central agencies of the British state in London during the period c.1760-c.1830. In doing so, this thesis is concerned with the developing efficacy of Scottish lobbies, as well as the extent to which they represented identifiably Scottish interests at Westminster and within the British Union-state over the course of this period. It aims to expand our understanding of how important elements within Scottish society gradually came to play an active role in the British political centre and argues that Scottish lobbying changed over this period from a position of nurturing and defending a separately constructed Scottish 'national' interest to becoming part of an integrated set of interests operating within a broader and more comprehensive British framework. This change was brought about by the need to represent Scottish interests more effectively within the British Union-state, particularly as the politics of Westminster became more important to certain parts of Scottish society from the 1780s onwards during the early industrial revolution. This process was, at times, uneven, and there was often tension between ongoing convergence and persistent distinction. Nevertheless, Scottish interests became more closely integrated within the British political system over the course of this period through their lobbying activities at the Westminster Parliament and of ministers in Whitehall. They increasingly operated more effectively as part of the British political and legislative process, and did so in ways which no longer presented them as separate or different in what was becoming a more authentically 'British' political culture.

Michel Rocard (1930-2016) apparaît comme un des premiers à s'être saisi des moyens de communication « modernes », dès la fin des années 1960, puis de manière plus systématique à partir de 1974 autour de groupes dédiés à son image (Groupe « image » et groupe Prospol). Il fait un large usage des techniques de marketing politique s'appuyant notamment sur des conseillers spécialistes du domaine, l'utilisation des sondages et du videotraining. Cela lui permet de se bâtir une légitimité médiatico-sondagière alors qu'il se trouve en marge du jeu politique. Toutefois, il ne parvient pas par ce biais à fragiliser le pouvoir de François Mitterrand sur le Parti. Il doit ainsi renoncer en faveur du Premier secrétaire à être candidat pour l'élection présidentielle de 1981. Déçu par les limites de cette ressource médiatico-sondagière il en devient l'un des principaux critiques et se forge un « complexe » à son égard. Il accuse les médias de simplifier à outrance et de rendre impossible l'exercice du pouvoir. Cela l'amène à délaisser la communication audiovisuelle, et à devenir de plus hostile aux journalistes, au point d'apparaître comme l'un des Premiers ministres (1988-1991) les moins communicants. L'absence de pédagogie autour de ses actions laissera toute la place aux critiques. Ainsi, après avoir quitté Matignon, il ne pourra pas s'appuyer sur un bilan ayant marqué les esprits et sera rapidement rattrapé par l'impopularité du PS d'alors. Dès lors, il ne parviendra pas à inverser la tendance et à conserver ses chances pour la présidentielle de 1995. / Michel Rocard (1930-2016) appears as one of the pioneers in french political communication. From the 1960's he adopted the new techniques of political marketing. In 1974, this preparation of his communication becomes organized systematically. Two main groups were created around political scientists, pollsters and journalists in order to shape his image, using opinion polls, video training and marketing methods. He used opinion polls and good media coverage in order to make up his marginality inside the French Socialist Party (directed by François Mitterrand). However, he failed to threaten the power of François Mitterrand on the Socialist Party. For the first time he had to renounce in favor of the Prime Secretary of the party. After this defeat he became progressively one of the main critics of the political communication. He accused the media for threatening the exercise of power. More and more he renounced Tv shows and became aggressive with journalists. Prime minister between 1988 and 1991 he avoided media coverage. Forced to resign in 1991 his appraisal was largely unknown. Even if he tried to reinforce his position becoming the leader of the French socialist Party in 1993, Michel Rocard was rapidly reached by the unpopularity affecting the Socialist Party.After a severe defeat during the European elections in 1994 he renounced to become the candidate for the presidential election in 1995.

289f. / Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-10T15:35:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE - Uma polis sertaneja, fora do eixo e fora do centro - imprensa e memória nas disputas polít.pdf: 3113027 bytes, checksum: b2e0645f18e4ec16fa12a52a60f459a2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-10-29T19:57:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE - Uma polis sertaneja, fora do eixo e fora do centro - imprensa e memória nas disputas polít.pdf: 3113027 bytes, checksum: b2e0645f18e4ec16fa12a52a60f459a2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-29T19:57:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE - Uma polis sertaneja, fora do eixo e fora do centro - imprensa e memória nas disputas polít.pdf: 3113027 bytes, checksum: b2e0645f18e4ec16fa12a52a60f459a2 (MD5) / Esta tese pretende resgatar aspectos da vida política da cidade de Vitória da Conquista, desde os seus primórdios, mas focando especialmente entre os anos 1962 e 1992. Por meio de uma narrativa, montar um mosaico da política local, destacando as disputas políticas em torno do controle da municipalidade, com seus partidos, grupos, tendências e as contradições que lhes são inerentes, bem como, relacionando tais aspectos com as disputas políticas em âmbito estadual e nacional. Busca também romper com o senso comum em termos de recorte temporal e geográfico, tratando da história política de uma cidade fora do eixo Rio – São Paulo e longe dos grandes centros, pautando a temporalidade coberta na abordagem, no respeito à vivência local.This thesis aims to study aspects of political life of Vitória da Conquista City, from its beginnings, focalized rather among the years 1962 and 1992. Through a narrative it is analyzed the mosaic of the local politics, emphasizing the political disputes around the control of municipality with its parties, groups, trends, and the contradictions that are inherent in them as well as relating such aspects with the political disputes on state and national levels. It also searches breaking with the commonsense in terms of temporal and geographic cutting, treating to the political history of a city out of the center – South of Brazil and far from the great centers, pointing out the temporality covered in the approach in respect to the local life. / Salvador

My dissertation argues that paper money created a new regime of value in early America, inscribed on the money itself and expressed in the political ordering of society. The radical ideas about money and value that inspired the colonial currencies originated in Commonwealth England. Those ideas spread to the North American colonies after the Restoration, where they conveyed changing notions about membership in the political community. Paper money, its proponents believed, constituted not only the “sinews” of trade and key to limitless wealth but also the “blood” that nourished the body politic. Ironically, the expansion of paper money in early America after 1710 both reflected and helped kindle broader material and cultural changes throughout the wider English Atlantic world that strained the bonds of the provincial political community. Ultimately, however, it was not these changes, but British attempts to control paper money in the mid-eighteenth century, that became corrosive to the imperial order. Disagreements over the prerogative to create money and value, I contend, occupied a key role in the crisis leading to the American Revolution. / 2020-02-14T00:00:00Z

Pittite politics between the premierships of Pitt and Liverpool has been overshadowed by those long eras of government and by the concurrent Napoleonic Wars. This has particularly caused the neglect of one leading Pittite, the prime minister Spencer Perceval, which is especially surprising given recent scholarly interest in the role of religion in politics and in conservative ideas. He is known either as the 'assassinated Prime Minister', or stereotyped as the 'Evangelical Prime Minister'. This thesis contends that Perceval was a significant, if sometimes unusual, figure in Pittite politics in 1807-12, that this era saw important policies pursued in areas such as church reform, and that Perceval is better understood as an 'Anglican Prime Minister' dedicated to upholding the established Church. Recovering Perceval helps us better understand the Pittites in general. He operated amongst a circle of like-minded politicians who supported church reform and opposed Catholic Emancipation. Each chapter duly recovers a topic which demonstrates the continuities between war-time and peace-time Pittite policies, underpinning the thesis's argument that post-1815 policies need to be understood in relation to the war-time experiences and actions of this generation of Pittites. These arguments are advanced through five chapters. The first chapter shows how Perceval's theological beliefs, contemporary descriptions, and his church patronage emphasise his transcendent Anglicanism. The second chapter stresses Perceval's and his coterie's role in strengthening and expanding the established Churches in England and Ireland. The third chapter highlights the twin importance of theological beliefs and the necessity of upholding the established Church in shaping Perceval's attitude towards Catholics, tithes, and nonconformists. The fourth chapter highlights the pragmatic approach the Pittites took to economic questions, and contrasts Perceval with the later 'liberal Tories' Canning and Huskisson. The fifth chapter illuminates Pittite policies that promoted Christianity in India and suppressed the slave trade.

Esse trabalho propõe-se a uma investigação histórica do longo processo que originou o Estado do Sudão do Sul, tornado independente em 2011 após plebiscito. Para tanto, buscamos traçar uma longa história do Sudão, do bilad al-sudan oriental aos dias atuais. Nos apoiamos, principalmente, em algumas obras da extensa historiografia do Sudão para desenhar esse quadro contextual de nosso objeto de estudo. Apresentado o palco, buscamos interpretar os eventos, as relações políticas e sociais e mudanças econômicas e culturais a afetar o Sudão, depois Sudão do Sul em sua intricada relação com seus vizinhos regionais e as potências globais. Terminamos nosso trabalho apresentando algumas notas e reflexões acerca de temas mais precisos, como “construção nacional”, “uso político da identidade étnica”, e o “papel das elites” no Sudão do Sul, dentre outras. / This work is the result of a historical investigation of the long process that originated the State of South Sudan, independent in 2011 after a national referendum. We sought to draw a long history of Sudan, from the eastern bilad al-sudan to modern days. We based our work mostly on some of the broad historiography on Sudan, from which to develop a contextual idea of our object of study. Having set the stage, we sought to interpret the events, political and social relations and economic and cultural changes that have affected Sudan and later South Sudan in their intrincate relation with regional neighbors and global powerhouses. Our work concludes presenting some observations ad reflections concerning specific issues, such “nation-building”, “political use of ethnic identity” and the “role of elites” in South Sudan, among others.

Esta pesquisa procurou averiguar de forma comparada a atuação dos deputados brasileiros nas Cortes de Lisboa (1821-1822) e a atuação dos deputados novos-hispanos nas Cortes de Cádiz (1810-1812). Centramos nosso trabalho na leitura dos Diários de ambas as Cortes e procuramos perceber de que formas as propostas autonomistas e de organização dos novos Impérios constitucionais estavam relacionadas com o conceito de nação e seus correlatos. Inicialmente procuramos realizar uma breve retomada das discussões historiográficas em torno da questão do Estado e da Nação na historiografia brasileira e latino- americana, onde pudemos notar a necessidade de desenvolvimento de teorias específicas sobre o surgimento dos Estados Nacionais na Ibero-América. Por fim, notamos a existência de diversos pontos comuns de reivindicação política nos espaços das Cortes entre as elites brasileiras e novo-hispanas. Destacando-se aí o desejo pelo estabelecimento de acordos que privilegiassem a autonomia administrativa das províncias. Ressaltamos ao final de nosso trabalho a percepção de desenvolvimento já nas Cortes de Lisboa de uma proposta alternativa para a organização do Estado brasileiro, vinda das elites mais ao sul do Reino, que privilegiava a constituição de um acordo mais centralizado para o Reino do Brasil. / This research examined on a comparative basis the performance of Brazilian deputies in the Cortes of Lisbon (1821-1822) and the performance of New Hispanic deputies in the Cortes de Cádiz (1810-1812). We focus our work in the reading of Diaries of both Cortes and seek to see how the autonomist projects and the new constitutional proposals for the Empires were related to the concept of nation and its correlates. Initially we also conduct a brief resumption of historiographical discussions around the issue of the state and nation in the Brazilian and Latin American historiography and there we note the need to develop specific theories about the emergence of national states in Latin America. Finally, we note that there were several common points of political claim in between Brazilian and New-Hispanic elites. Standing out where the desire to establish agreements centered in the administrative autonomy of the provinces. We also could noticed the development in the Cortes of Lisbon of an alternative proposal for the organization of the Brazilian state, coming from the elites located in the south of the Kingdom, which favored the creation of a more centralized State in the Kingdom of Brazil.

During the 1960s and 1970s the Liberal Party of Canada sought to engage ethnocultural communities in an effort to win federal elections. The author argues that the Liberal Party’s relationship with ethnocultural communities in Metro Toronto during the 1960s was characterized by indifference. Though it adopted a programme that encouraged the courting of ethnocultural communities, the Pearson-led Liberal Party showed limited interest in recognizing ethnocultural communities as a part of the party’s electoral coalition. The efforts of Andrew Thompson, the Liberal Party’s Ethnic Liaison Officer during the Pearson years, were separated from the rest of party’s organization and campaign structure. Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau ended Pearson’s lost decade and strengthened party bonds with ethnocultural communities. Trudeau welcomed ethnocultural communities to the Liberal Party, declared Canada as multicultural, and distributed patronage to leaders of non-English and non-French communities. This dissertation differentiates between groups and categories, and critically analyzes how people and organizations do things with categories. This dissertation argues that Thompson and the Liberal Party grouped ethnocultural communities as “ethnic groups” and “ethnic voters” in order to simplify diverse and unbounded peoples they did not understand. / Graduate / 2019-10-27