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Review of A Companion to James Madison and James Monroe edited by Stuart Leibiger

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The elements of contrast within the character of an individual and the heights of attainment in a lifetime of activities appear sometimes unexpectedly and serve to distinguish that person from the rest of mankind. Indeed, if personality, intelligence, physical attractiveness, and the love for political life were the only attributes of Kentucky Congressman Glover Cary, although they are unquestionably magnetic qualities, his life and works might deserve their repose from the critical observations of the historian. He, however, demonstrated an unusual concern for his constituents and a certain devotion to humanity, rare qualities if one applies the general connotative meaning to the word politician. This political biography is, therefore, concerned with the development of one man gifted for and enthralled with public life. No attempt has been made to delve deeply into the personal life of the subject or to emphasize his highly successful private law practice. The author has, instead, attempted to stress Cary's role within the Democratic party, his contributions as a congressman, and the ways in which he reacted to and accepted the challenges of the times. Utilizing all available sources of information, the author regrets that research was hindered and that some facts will probably forever remain a mystery because most correspondence and personal papers of the Representative had been destroyed before the research was begun.

From 1871 to 1914, Germany experienced its first taste of world power and the failure of controlling and retaining that power. German power after 1871 had sought only a dominance of continental politics and a maintenance of a status quo in Europe favorable to Germany. Following 1890, however, the German course deviated to include a vision of world power. German foreign policy until 1890 was based on two things: hegemonic control of the heart of Europe and the force of will of one man, Otto von Bismarck. Yet despite relative control of the European situation and a cautious and able statesman at the helm, Germany was quickly intoxicated by its new power as much as reacting against the almost oppressive control of Bismarck. By all measures, the German appetite for power was growing faster than ordinary diplomatic conquests could satisfy it. The need for instant gratification caused a recklessness in foreign policy and diplomacy best characterized by Krisepolitik, or crisis diplomacy. This dilemma not only resulted from a growing appetite for power, but also from a lack of understanding of international politics. The European reaction to the new German aggressiveness and to the lack of direction in German policy was one of suspicion. With the cancellation of the Reinsurance Treaty with Russian in 1890, every German move was viewed by increasingly hostile eyes. Axes of power began to form which much threatened the growing world power of Germany, a Germany which saw the need to contest the powers on as many points as possible, while avoiding war, to retain its power in the 1890s and the first years of the twentieth century.

An overview of the political activity of Mexican university students during the 1968 disturbances in Mexico was compared with data taken from a 1964 attitudinal survey conducted by the International Research Associates, Incorporated of university students from nine Mexican universities in an attempt to find possible trends and attitudes that could have predicted the 1968 and subsequent riots. The population for the analysis came from three of the nine universities based on the levels of activity shown during the 1968 riots ranging from most active to least active. Three main variables; activism as of 1968, ideological self-designation as of 1964 and degrees of discrepancy as of 1964 were cross-tabulated with sex, .age, father's education and community size. Students who in 1964 saw themselves as falling to the extreme left of the ideological scale were found to be in the more active university in 1968. The majority of students in 1964 did not view the government and accompanying institutions as being that far from their own ideological views. The most active university had the largest percentage of students in the 31 or older category. Sex held no significance bearing on activism. Students coming from populations of less than 10,000 were found to be more highly concentrated in the most active university and those students whose father had completed college were also concentrated in the more active university.

This examination of the southern suffrage campaign focuses the movement through the eyes of three prominent southern women within the political movement: Kate Gordon, Sue Shelton White, and Josephine Pearson. The merged National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) planned and organized a focus on the South during the second half of the suffrage campaign, which presented new challenges. The Nineteenth Amendment passed through Congress in 1918 and consequently set the stage for a raging political battle between suffragists and anti-suffragists. The suffrage campaign prompted women to question how the political platform of suffrage should be addressed. Women argued over the issue of suffrage and its application; a universal amendment, state legislation, or no suffrage rights at all. The question over appropriate political tactics often revealed the social and cultural prejudices of the campaign leaders. The cornerstone of my research focuses on the history of the southern campaign and incorporates three southern women who shared distinct political views of woman suffrage. The bulk of my research focused on the primary documents from the Josephine Pearson Collection at the Tennessee State Library and Archives and the loaned papers of Sue Shelton White from Knoxville, Tennessee. I also used the Louisiana newspaper, the Daily Picayune, for information about Kate Gordon as well as her correspondence with Laura Clay. Through this examination, a more direct focus is applied to the southern suffrage movement, which further complicates separate accounts of racial prejudice and exclusion in southern women’s politics. Furthermore, my thesis will create a framework of southern culture by incorporating the national issue of suffrage from a regional perspective to expose commonalities and themes that muddles southern women’s history and patriarchal loyalty in the South. Carefully analyzing the suffrage and anti-suffrage leadership in the South, particularly Tennessee, helps develop a well-defined understanding of the cultural and political factors influencing southern politics as well as assist in constructing a scholarly historiographic perspective on social and cultural influences of the southern campaign within the separate groups of suffragists and anti-suffragists.

The Works Progress Administration (WPA) aided 8.5 million people across the United States during its existence WPA projects in Daviess County, Kentucky, admirably served as an example of the way national laws and regulations filtered down and worked in a single county. The federal program touched the lives of a variety of Daviess Countians in a positive manner. Blue collar workers, white collar workers, women, slacks, and even people involved with the arts received jobs through this program. Local WPA projects illustrate the various jobs obtained by needy men and women from the relief rolls. The WPA aided these local citizens physically and socially by giving them jobs, which in turn put food on their table and restored their pride. This federal program, which received much criticism at times, functioned efficiently and effectively in Daviess County.

The purpose of this study is to examine the causes of belligerency in Kentucky in this period of diplomatic crisis, thus examining the second level of causation for the war as suggested by Brown's study. The test case used is Kentucky which was known as one of the states most anxious for war against Britain, both in Congress and in the state itself. However, this study will not attempt to interpret the role of the state's representatives in the Congress of the United States, since, if Brown is correct in his interpretation, the causes of public belligerency had little to do with the final declaration of war. When a member of Congress is quoted, it is because his statements summarize the feeling of the people in Kentucky. Thus there is little attempt to relate the voting or speeches of various representatives to the causes of belligerent attitudes of Kentuckians, except in ways in which these prominent Kentuckians reflect the backgrounds and attitudes of their less articulate neighbors. The role of the Kentucky Congressmen of the Twelfth Congress in bringing war, a role which has been extensively studied in many other works, thus falls outside the scope of this study.

The purpose of this study is to find the hidden facts of a man who has done much to illuminate Kentucky's greatness and glory. Yet little but his name is known to the youth of the land. As death has fixed the seal of glory on his life, history should assign to him his rank. Much of the data in this sketch has been gathered from source material.