Submitted by Daniella Santos (daniella.santos@ufma.br) on 2017-11-17T18:01:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ELINEALBUQUERQUE.pdf: 2635294 bytes, checksum: 49534e561e3b9d34a9716bff73f90099 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-17T18:01:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ELINEALBUQUERQUE.pdf: 2635294 bytes, checksum: 49534e561e3b9d34a9716bff73f90099 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-06 / CAPES / This work aims to analyze the performance of lawyer Francisco Lindolfo Cordeiro who, in the exercise of his profession. He became involved in agrarian struggles in the sertão of Ceará, in the political context of the military dictatorship, between 1970 and 1978. He was accused of inciting the workers Against landlords, was indicted as subversive in the National Security, Decree-Law 898 of September 29, 1969. He responded to the extensive and delaying process in the Military Justice. He when acquitted he was assassinated. In this sense, we make a theoretical approach under the study of politics in the perspective of the New Political History, considering that social and institutional practices may constitute political devices. In order to do so, we endeavor to contextualize the scenario of the struggles of rural workers in Ceará, during that period. Specifically, we will analyze the conflicts that occurred in the Japuara in farm, In the São Felipe Field and in the municipalities of Itatira and Maranguape, because they were objects of the accusation against Francisco Lindolfo Cordeiro, in order to analyze the causes of his indictment and the political context of his murder. / Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a atuação do advogado Francisco Lindolfo Cordeiro que, no exercício de sua profissão, se envolveu nas lutas agrárias no sertão cearense, no âmbito político da ditadura militar, entre os anos de 1970 a 1978. Acusado de incitar os trabalhadores contra latifundiários, foi indiciado como subversivo na Lei de Segurança Nacional, Decreto-Lei nº 898 de 29 de setembro de 1969, respondeu a extenso e demorando processo na Justiça Militar. Quando absolvido foi assassinado. Neste intuito, realizamos uma abordagem teórica sob o estudo do político na perspectiva da Nova História Política, por consideramos que as práticas sociais e institucionais podem se constituírem em dispositivos políticos. Para tanto, nos esforçamos em contextualizar o cenário das lutas dos trabalhadores rurais no Ceará, neste período. Especificamente, analisaremos os conflitos ocorridos na Fazenda Japuara, no Sítio São Felipe e nos municípios de Itatira e Maranguape, por se configurarem objetos da acusação contra Francisco Lindolfo Cordeiro, para, por fim, analisarmos as causas de seu indiciamento e o contexto político de seu assassinato.

Esta tese analisa as representações produzidas pela imprensa liberal-conservadora brasileira a respeito do governo de Juan Domingo Perón na Argentina, especialmente no período de 1945 a 1955. Tais imagens, quase sempre negativas, faziam parte do imaginário político nacional e foram constantemente manipuladas para atuar no jogo político brasileiro. As principais fontes históricas desta pesquisa são a revista semanal ilustrada O Cruzeiro, pertencente ao empresário da comunicação Assis Chateaubriand, e o diário carioca Tribuna da Imprensa, de propriedade do jornalista e político Carlos Lacerda, que integrava a União Democrática Nacional (UDN). Com base em notícias, editoriais, reportagens e charges veiculadas nesses periódicos, nota-se que, ao longo dos anos, o justicialismo foi associado, entre outras imagens, ao nazismo, à barbárie e a uma conspiração continental. Demonstra-se que o regime argentino foi apresentado não apenas como antimodelo político, mas como ameaça real à democracia brasileira, o que pode ter contribuído para a não aproximação entre as duas nações naquela época. / This thesis analyzes the representations produced by the liberal-conservative Brazilian press about the Juan Domingo Perón government in Argentina, especially in the period of 1945 to 1955. These images, often negative, were part of the national political imaginary and were constantly manipulated to be used in the Brazilian politics. This research has two main historical sources: the weekly magazine O Cruzeiro, belonging to the businessman Assis Chateaubriand and the daily newspaper Tribuna da Imprensa. This one belonged to the journalist and politician Carlos Lacerda, who was a member of the party União Democrática Nacional (UDN). Based on news, editorials, articles and cartoons, it was noticed that over the years the Justicialism was associated, among other images, to nazism, to barbarism and to a continental conspiracy. It was demonstrated that the Argentinian regimen was presented not only as a non recommended model, but as a real threat to the Brazilian democracy, and this may have contributed to the no rapprochement between the two nations at that time.

O presente estudo analisa a apropriação da história do constitucionalismo atlântico às vésperas da Independência do reino do Brasil. Para isso, a pesquisa examina fontes de duas naturezas: os discursos dos deputados portugueses reunidos nas Cortes Gerais Extraordinárias e Constituintes da Nação Portuguesa, realizadas em Lisboa, durante os anos de 1821 e 1822, e os periódicos fluminenses, publicados no mesmo período. Nesta pesquisa, procura-se explorar a convicção que parecia generalizada entre esses liberais portugueses de que a experiência constitucional portuguesa, por ser a última de uma série de tentativas de reorganizar os Impérios e solucionar a crise do Antigo Sistema Colonial, era capaz de usufruir do exame das experiências constituintes pretéritas e estabeleceria a monarquia constitucional mais liberal do Atlântico, conservando a unidade dos domínios do Império. Nesse sentido, apesar das diversas maneiras de diagnosticar os erros e acertos dos representantes britânicos, franceses e espanhóis, a pluralidade dos deputados e redatores fluminenses concordava a respeito da definição de três pilares fundamentais da monarquia constitucional em que deviam concentrar seus esforços: a regulamentação da Liberdade de Imprensa, a existência do processo eleitoral e a defesa da soberania da nação. Com esta análise, pretende-se contribuir para a compreensão da construção da monarquia constitucional portuguesa nos anos de 1821 e 1822 e do processo de independência do reino do Brasil. Para isso, esta pesquisa explora a apropriação da história dos constitucionalismos atlânticos em torno daqueles três pilares do governo constitucional português e mostra a crescente radicalização dos posicionamentos políticos desses liberais até a independência política do reino do Brasil e, então, o fracasso da convicção inicial dos liberais portugueses. / This study analyses the historic review of the Atlantic constitutionalism right before the Brazils kingdom independence. In pursuit of this, the research looks into two types of documents: the speeches that occurred during the meeting of the Extraordinary General and Constitutional Courts of the Portuguese Nation, performed in Lisbon between 1821 and 1822 and the periodical from Rio de Janeiro which were published at the same period. It intends to explore the conviction, which seems to be generalized between these representatives, that the Portuguese constitutional experience, for being the last of a series of actions which aimed to reorganize the empires and to solve the crisis of the Old Colonial System, would be capable to use ancient constitutional experiences and establish the most liberal constitutional monarchy of the Atlantic, conserving its unit in both sides of the ocean. In this sense, besides the many different ways of diagnosing the mistakes and right actions of those who have represented Britain, Spain and France, the plurality of the representatives and journalists from Rio de Janeiro agreed about the definition of the three fundamental bases in which they should concentrate their efforts: the regulation of press freedom, the existence of an electoral process and the conception of nations sovereignty. With this analysis, this study intends to contribute to the comprehension of the Portuguese constitutional monarchys construction between 1821 and 1822 and to the process of Brazilian Kingdom independence. For this, it explores the historical appropriation of the Atlantic constitutionalisms around those three bases and the increasing radicalization of the political positioning of these liberal men until the political independence of Brazils Kingdom and, the flop of their initial conviction which aimed to keep both empires as one

This thesis was assigned by the Department of German principally to learn through the study of the German newspapers of the day what influence the German-American population of Indiana might have had upon the election of Governor Conrad baker and also upon his whole administration as such; since Governor Baker was of German descent and the act, August 16, 1859, which provided when the German language should be taught in the common schools, also took effect when Baker was Governor of Indiana.

On October 19, 1908, night riders at Reelfoot Lake, Tennessee kidnapped and murdered Captain Quentin Rankin, an attorney and shareholder in the West Tennessee Land Company. The murder made national news, with coverage emphasizing the night riders' demand for fishing rights. In response, Governor Malcolm Patterson called out the militia to suppress the uprising and advocated for state acquisition of the lake as a means to prevent further violence. In the accepted historical narrative, the uprising at Reelfoot Lake represents an example of rural resistance to the threat that modernization posed to traditional access rights but ignores much of the violence that proceeded Rankin's murder. When contextualized within local conditions and Tennessee's political climate, the night riders' crimes reveal a targeted attack on the exploding cotton economy in which the lake became the arena where farmers contested the agricultural, social, and political changes that accompanied this new economic system.

Memory is constructed to solidify a certain version of the past in the collective identity. History and memory occupy a controversial role in the New South, with battles over the legacy of the Civil War and the reassertion of Confederate symbols in the wake of the Civil Rights Movement's challenge to the status quo. Memory of the Civil Rights Movement is entering public conscious through cultural mediums such as films and museums, as well as through politically contentious debates over the continued display of the Confederate battle flag and the creation of a federal holiday honoring Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. The process is still taking place to construct the Civil Rights Movement within the American collective memory. What aspects of this history are commemorated, and which aspects are neglected, will have impact in American society well into the twenty-first century.

This thesis seeks to dispel the notion that Nazi ideology was merely an afterthought to numerous actions taken by the Nazis. The first chapter discusses how Nazism’s earliest adherents internalized notions from World War I into an ideology that would motivate the early Nazi Movement to launch the Beer Hall Putsch. The second chapter focuses on the Nazi Party’s electoral tactics and how those actions correlated with entrenched Nazi ideological notions of recognition and community. Finally, the third chapter will seek to demonstrate that the numerous repressive measures implemented by the Third Reich were part of a general plan to prepare a future generation of Nazi citizens for, the worldwide struggle for existence. This work exists as a counter to a considerable amount of literature in the historiography that, by maintaining Nazi ideology and Nazi actions were two separate entities, belittles the importance of Nazi ideology thereby fundamentally misunderstanding Nazism.

Antebellum political historians have long studied the era between Andrew Jackson’s election and the secession crisis through the colored knowledge of the Civil War. This project is an effort to reverse that trend. It explores northeast Tennessee’s political culture from the late 1830s through the start of the Civil War. It reveals that the Second American Party System, a wave of new enfranchised voters, and the area’s demographics mixed together to lay a foundation for the aggressive and populist political style that permeated the region from the 1830s through the 1850s. At the heart of these issues was the transition of power from East Tennessee to Middle Tennessee. As a way to analyze the region’s political culture, I look specifically at Democrats Andrew Johnson and Landon Carter Haynes and Whigs William Brownlow and Thomas Nelson.

Polarization forced massive changes in the institutions of Washington throughout the 20th century, and the Democratic Party played a key role throughout. Under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the Democratic Party formed the powerful New Deal coalition. The coalition faltered in the turbulent 1960s under the pressures of the Vietnam War and racial unrest. The chaotic 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago dealt the coalition a mortal wound. Young voters and activists gained an outsized voice in the party. Several crushing defeats in presidential elections followed as the party chose unelectable candidates who appealed to the passions of left-wing activists and interests. In 1992, Bill Clinton won the nomination and forced the party back to the center. Clinton’s success, however, drove the Republican Party further right as its efforts to destroy Clinton grew increasingly obsessive. The cumulative effect has been an increase in polarization and the weakening of institutions in Washington.

No description available.