This thesis considers the development of the concept of citizenship, both historically and in its supranational guise. It addresses the traditional models of citizenship that have arisen in the national arena before turning its focus to supranational citizenship. The development of quasi-citizenship rights at the European level between 1957 and 1992 are discussed whilst asking whether, in fact, these principles amounted to a de facto creation of citizenship as would be formally understood in a national model. Thereafter, post-1992 developments are considered via the activities of the European courts. The courts’ particularly activist role in expanding our understanding of Union citizenship by using existing Union legislation in imaginative ways is highlighted and used as a key factor in determining Union citizenship’s capacity to adapt and develop in the face of new challenges. This thesis plays particular attention to the non-Member State nationals who reside in Union territory and find themselves ostensibly deprived of citizenship rights despite being actively involve in the Union’s activities. Supranational citizenship is viewed through the unusual lens of stateless persons and this thesis suggests that Union citizenship does not live up to its ideals by excluding them from its understanding of the citizenry. It formulates a novel conception of rights-based residence, as opposed to nationality-based, supranational citizenship that is predicated on the Union’s heritage of respect for rights and would include Member State nationals, alongside third-country nationals, the stateless and refugees (who would struggle to gain recognition under a conventional citizenship paradigm), with the aspiration of rendering Union citizenship a more inclusive and rounded conception.

Contrasted with the other branches of government, the Supreme Court has long been an institution posing a level of secretiveness equal to its power. Naturally, that has developed a desire, and maybe necessity, to gain a better understanding regarding the principal influences of judicial decision making on America’s highest Court. One phenomenon that has long been of interest to Court observers is the notion of the justice’s voting across established ideological lines. Previous attempts to explain and reconcile cross-ideological votes have focused on the influence of external actors on the Court, its legitimacy, public opinion, and dynamics between justices. Yet, there remains a need to scrutinize the types of cases most likely to produce cross-ideological votes among justices in order to offer explanatory factors as to when a particular cross-ideological vote occurs. Often ignored in the quest to ascertain factors influencing particular justices and the Court as a whole, is the need for a study of case topics and the ability of these topics to correlate to an unexpected vote by a justice. In this thesis, I analyze which legal issues embedded within Supreme Court cases are most likely to produce cross-ideological votes among justices. I then propose a theory for predicting what issue areas are most likely to produce cross-ideological votes among Supreme Court justices in the future. In this research, I find that the issue area of criminal procedure correlates to the largest number of cross-ideological votes by Supreme Court members. Interestingly, I also find that conservative and liberal justices are equally inconsistent in voting concerning criminal procedure cases.

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Petitioning was a staple of the Early Modern European world, theoretically available to all, from peasant to nobleman. The British Isles were no exception to that. This thesis drew a 50-year line between 1629 and 1679, and looked into how people regularly petitioned during some of the most eventful and transformative years of British history, to request what resources they thought necessary or advantageous. Within this timeframe, exceptional mass petitions coexisted with countless ordinary, singular petitions. The findings were a mix between continuities and changes owing to shifting political circumstances. The study found that several lines of argumentation endured through the decades. Familial responsibility, poverty and influence remained commonly used as everything around the petitions changed. On the other hand, the decapitation of King Charles I created a vacuum in the petitioners’ collective imagination. This thesis found that to fill that vacuum, petitioners employed and articulated a novel, depersonalized understanding of a “State”: a non-regal replacement for the Stuarts, even before Charles I lost his head. The Restoration reversed these developments, as the late King’s son very quickly concentrated upon his figure the attention and words of his petitioners. The legacy of the Wars and the Interregnum was a legacy of endurance and service for many Royalists, who often turned to petitions for satisfaction. They articulated that service again and again, pointing to a reciprocal relationship between monarch and loyal subjects. Overall, this thesis argues that petitioning was a wholly uninsulated, highly observant practice that eloquently articulated its surroundings. It expressed those surroundings through its own prism of resource negotiation in the face of authority.

De Gaulle et le peuple français : une relation nouvelle se noue, se renoue, lorsque, le 29 mai 1958, la vie politique française bascule. Ce jour-là, devant l’incapacité de la classe politique à trouver une solution au conflit ensanglantant l’Algérie depuis la Toussaint 1954, le président de la République, René Coty, fait appel à un « homme providentiel », un militaire illustre qui, aux yeux des Français, a déjà sauvé le pays, le hissant du rang de vaincu en 1940 à celui de victorieux cinq années plus tard.Le général de Gaulle, hostile au régime des partis qui divisent le pays, se veut l’incarnation du peuple rassemblé. Dernier président du Conseil de la Quatrième République, il transforme les institutions politiques. A une République parlementaire succède une République qui reconnaît la fonction primordiale du chef de l’Etat, fonction renforcée par son élection au suffrage universel direct après la réforme constitutionnelle de 1962. À la République des partis, Charles de Gaulle substitue une « République des citoyens » dans laquelle prime l’expression de la souveraineté populaire.Souveraineté populaire, responsabilité politique pleine et entière des citoyens rassemblés au sein d’une nation qui regroupe toutes les classes sociales, toutes les sensibilités et se mettant elle-même au service de l’homme et du monde… Ces idées vont être mises en pratique, en mots, en images dans les villes et les villages de France, au cours des vingt-six voyages présidentiels de Charles de Gaulle en France métropolitaine. Les déplacements en province sont alors un élément clef, essentiel, de la « République des citoyens » voulue par le Général.La relation établie entre le chef de l’Etat et le peuple français présent aux cérémonies officielles organisées lors des déplacements présidentiels repose sur un échange : légitimité accordée au président de la République par la présence populaire ; sollicitation des citoyens par le chef de l’exécutif afin d’obtenir informations et réflexions relatives aux décisions à prendre nationalement et localement. Fondé sur cet échange avec le peuple régulièrement renouvelé sur les places des villes et des hameaux, sur les changements constitutionnels instituant le peuple comme ultime souverain, sur le recours fréquent à la procédure référendaire, le gaullisme au pouvoir sert une République portée à son accomplissement. / De Gaulle and the French people : their relationship was profoundly renewed when, on May 29, 1958, French political life toppled over. That day, President of the Republic René Coty – faced with a political class that proved incapable of finding a solution to the bloody Algerian conflict, raging since November 1954 – called upon a "providential man", an illustrious soldier who, in the eyes of the French, had already saved the country : France had been vanquished in 1940, but it was victorious five years later.Hostile to the partisan system that divided the country, General de Gaulle wanted to represent the assembled people. The last President of the Council of the Fourth Republic thus deeply transformed political institutions : the parliamentary Republic turned into a Republic that recognized the primary function of the Head of State. This function was reinforced by the constitutional reform of 1962 and its introduction of direct universal suffrage: under Charles de Gaulle, the partisan Republic was replaced by a "Republic of the citizens", in which the expression of popular sovereignty prevailed.Popular sovereignty in a nation that brings all social classes, all leanings together and is itself at the service of Man and of the world : these concepts were put into practice, words, images in the towns and villages of France, in the course of twenty-six presidential trips to the provinces in metropolitan France. They were key to the "Republic of the citizens" wanted by the General.The relationship between the Head of State and the people who came to these official ceremonies was based on an exchange: the popular presence granted the President of the Republic legitimacy – the head of the executive in turn solicited citizens to obtain information and thoughts on measures that needed to be taken, locally and nationally. Gaullism – based on these regular exchanges in town and hamlet squares, on the constitutional changes instituting the people as the ultimate sovereign and on the frequent use of referendums – served a Republic brought to its fulfillment.

After the English-led invasion of Ireland, between 1169 and 1172, the country was run by Anglo-Irish lords—English and Welsh men gifted with Irish land and titles for their service to the English King. Of these families, the Butlers were one of the three most powerful in the country. The 3rd and 4th Earls of Ormond, both named James Butler, each held the highest title in Ireland, Lord Lieutenant, multiple times as well as being successful military leaders. Add to this a large income from all the wine revenues of the country, and the Butlers were a force to be reckoned with. This thesis examines the Butlers in their seat of power, Kilkenny, to determine the connection between the two. It is apparent, by examining not only their policies but their surroundings, that the Butlers and Kilkenny had a mutually beneficial relationship. The Butlers profited from the extensive land they owned, the feudal nature of Ireland, and the trade in the city, and similarly helped the town prosper by building defensive fortifications, strengthening and expanding the city, and running the government efficiently. The actions of the Butlers and the town of Kilkenny prove that the Butlers were caught between the cultures of both England and Gaelic Ireland, as was typical of most of the Anglo-Irish ruling class.

The research problem is an analysis of the political evolution of Cameroon from a colony in 1884 to an independent state in 1961. It involves not only the transition of the country from a colony to an independent state per se, but also the various factors which kindled the rise of nationalism in the country. The problem is rendered more interesting and complex by the fact that the country had, at different times in its colonial history, been a German colony, as well as British and French colonies – although technically Britain and France administered their respective portions of the country first as mandates of the League of Nations and then as trusteeship territories of the United Nations Organization. In order to study the problem, an analysis of the political and economic policies of the colonizing powers in the country is imperative, since they were the determining factors which conditioned the country’s political destiny until 1961.

The problem of this study was to present an intellectual picture of a man who is too often written off as a mere politician and a failure at that. In approaching the problem, his works were used heavily, though availability was a problem. Francois Guizot, the man studied, wrote profusely, on a large variety of subjects, including philosophy, religion, history, political theory, and education. All of these areas were covered in the study. His private papers and correspondence are, for the most part, unpublished, though the eight volumes of his Me´moires were extremely helpful. There are many good biographical studies of Guizot, though few of them approach him from an intellectual viewpoint. One of the few that does, by Sister Mary Consolata O'Connor, is not sufficient. The conclusion of the present study is that Guizot is an excellent representative of liberal French bourgeois thought, especially in the first half of the nineteenth century, who is too often written off as a reactionary or, as Douglas Johnson says, a mere frustrated politician.

Covers the history of senatorial elections in Iowa from 1846-1911 and Senators Augustus Caesar Dodge, George W. Jones, James Harlan, James W. Grimes, Samuel J. Kirkwood, James B. Howell, George G. Wright, James W. McDill, James F. Wilson, William B. Allison, John H. Gear, Jonathan P. Dolliver, Lafayette Young, Albert B. Cummins, and William S. Kenyon.

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