This thesis is undertaken with the intention of studying the attitude of the Presidents of the United States toward education as revealed in their messages to Congress. The writer chose this subject because he felt that the messages and speeches reflect their attitude toward education and to some extent at least reflect the national attitude. Since this group has included some of America’s ablest leaders, education may find in their works arguments of great weight. Since the study was restricted to the messages of Presidents, naturally Richardson’s “Messages and Papers of the Presidents of the Presidents to 1908” is the most used reference. Not only does this thesis summarize the messages, but it attempts discern the philosophy of education at the time of the message was written, the personal training that might have influenced the President, and the trends of the public thought at the time that might have played a part. For this purpose secondary sources, pamphlets, reports and newspapers have been used. The writer has found no other study on this subject, and he has attempted to collect in readable form a summary of the views of our chief officials.

"BUILDING A ‘TEMPLE OF TEMPERANCE’: THE REPEAL OF PROHIBITION IN VIRGINIA AND THE ALCOHOLIC BEVERAGE CONTROL ACT” By Alexandra T. Silva, Bachelor of Arts, 2011 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Virginia Commonwealth University. Virginia Commonwealth University, 2015 Major Director: Dr. John T. Kneebone, Chair, Virginia Commonwealth University Department of History This project examines the process by which the Commonwealth of Virginia repealed its statewide prohibition laws and the Eighteenth Amendment in 1933 and created a public monopoly system of alcohol control in 1934. It provides an overview of the enactment of prohibition in Virginia in 1916 by a 1914 statewide referendum, and the problems of enforcement and control over the liquor traffic during the dry years. It carefully details the repeal process in 1933, during which Virginia rapidly reversed its near twenty-year prohibition and restructured its alcohol control policy. It also explains the origins of the state monopoly system which replaced prohibition with the passage of the Alcoholic Beverage Control Act of 1934, establishing an ABC Board to control the manufacturing, distribution, and sale of hard liquor, along with licensing of private retailers of light beverages.

On February 17, 2008,Kosovo declared its independence. The path to independence and the claim to Kosovo was a long process that developed in three primary phases: A) the fostering of territorial solidarity under direct rule and an emphasis on historical ties to the territory; B) the foundation of the national idea within the realms of proto-nationalism; and C) the emergence of peripheral and mass nationalism. This research seeks to define the development of nationalist ideologies in Kosovo and to explore where Roma fit within those ideologies. An historical and sociological approach to nationalism in Kosovo is critical in understanding the current situation of Roma living in, and deported to, Kosovo, including the recent phenomenon of ethnic scapegoating of the Roma by both Serbs and Albanians

Abstract For most of the Cold War, the United States attempted to maintain friendly relations with the Communist nations comprising the Eastern Bloc, but with no other Soviet satellite was the relationship as close as it was with Romania. No other member nation of the Warsaw Pact took to the United States’ overtures so eagerly. Diplomatic relations between the United States and the Romanian Communist government were established relatively early, almost immediately following the end of the Second World War. However, it was not until 1968, when Romanian dictator Nicolae Ceauşescu denounced the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, that the Romanians finally gained the Americans’ trust. Ceauşescu’s 1968 speech attacking the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, and the diplomatic maneuverings surrounding it, was the pivotal moment in the relationship between the two nations, fostering an amicable relationship that would last well into the 1980s.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a formação do Oeste brasileiro, isto é, daqueles espaços que até a Independência compunham as capitanias de Goiás e de Cuiabá e Mato Grosso e que, através de processos conflituosos, deram origem aos territórios políticos provinciais desde então. Partindo de uma breve exposição das matrizes gerais da ocupação e apropriação do espaço desde as primeiras décadas do século XVIII, passamos a uma análise da incorporação dessas áreas à Monarquia portuguesa, com especial atenção à emergência e à consolidação de uma geopolítica para a fronteira oeste. A seguir, tratamos das transformações .ocorridas no início do século XIX, quando novos processos de integração e as diretrizes do Reformismo Ilustrado atuaram decisivamente sobre esses espaços, redefinindo inclusive os sentidos da geopolítica. Entendendo o aprofundamento da crise do Antigo Regime português após a eclosão da Revolução Constitucionalista do Porto (1820) como um importante momento de ruptura, passamos a analisar os conflitos, as experiências e as identidades emergentes neste período. O foco está no movimento autonomista do norte goiano e na disputa pela condição de centro político provincial entre as cidades de Cuiabá e Mato Grosso. Conflitos estes que expressavam a diversidade e as contradições nos espaços das antigas capitanias, numa situação de erosão das legitimidades que conferiam um ordenamento político a esses espaços. Trata-se aqui, acima de tudo, de uma história política do território, através da qual se procura compreender o processo pelo qual se formaram, a partir das conquistas da Monarquia portuguesa, os espaços de poder e representação do Império do Brasil / This dissertation aims to analyze the formation of the Western part of Brazil, a region that, until Independence, encompassed the captaincies of Goiás and of Mato Grosso and Cuiaba, and that, through conflictive processes, gave rise to political provincial territories. Starting with a brief exposition of the general matrices of space occupation and appropriation from the first decades of the 18th century, we then analyze the incorporation of these areas to the Portuguese Monarchy, paying special attention to the emergency and consolidation of a geopolitical strategy concerning the West boundary. Following, we regard the transformations that occurred in the early 19th century, when new integration processes and Illustrated Reformism guidelines were laid upon those spaces, even redefining the former geopolitical orientation. Understanding, as an important moment of rupture, the Portuguese Ancient Regimes deepening crisis on the aftermath of the Constitutional Revolution that erupted in the city of O Porto (1820), we analyze the emerging conflicts, experiences and identities in this period. We focus on the autonomist movement in Northern Goiás and on the disputes for the condition of provincial political center between the cities of Cuiabá and Mato Grosso. Conflicts that expressed the diversity and contradictions inherent to the spaces of the old captaincies in a situation of erosion of the legitimacy that used to guarantee a proper political order. It is, above all, a political history of the territory that aims to comprehend the processes that led, from the Portuguese monarchys conquests, to the formation of spaces of power and representation in the Brazilian Empire.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T11:21:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FERNANDO CARVALHO DE ASSIS ARAUJO.pdf: 1293268 bytes, checksum: 614a4dc66268211cab0f9c94a9163b80 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-01-11 / The objective of this dissertation is to understand the intellectual output of Luis Palacin the light of political and intellectual history. Related to the theme of power and ideology, and as a source of research works: Four times Ideology and Subversion and Corruption. The reflection of these works will enable to realize that Louis Palacin as a historicist sought to use other methodologies during your writing to characterize the relations of power in society Goias. The following work provides an understanding of power relations in society Goias, light, thought of Louis Palacin, Spanish historian, who came to Goiania to undertake a project of evangelization but also a serious research project on the history Goiás His works have characteristic of the new political history, breaking with the traditional historiographical thought. Palacin can be considered one of the pioneers in research on power and ideology in Goiás. / O objetivo desta dissertação é compreender a produção intelectual de Luís Palacin à luz da história política e intelectual. Relacionado com a temática de poder e ideologia, tendo como fonte de pesquisa as obras: Quatro tempos de Ideologia e Subversão e Corrupção. A reflexão destas obras possibilitará perceber que Luís Palacin como um historicista procurou utilizar outras metodologias durante a sua escrita para caracterizar as relações de poder na sociedade goiana. O seguinte trabalho proporcionara uma compreensão sobre as relações de poder na sociedade goiana, luz, do pensamento de Luís Palacin, historiador espanhol, que veio para Goiânia realizar um projeto de evangelização, mas também um projeto de pesquisas serias sobre a História Goiás. Suas obras apresentam característica da nova história política, rompendo com o pensamento historiográfico tradicional. Palacin pode ser considerado um dos pioneiros em pesquisa sobre o poder e ideologia em Goiás.

This thesis places the Democratic party at the centre of the Reconstruction narrative and investigates the transformation of the antebellum Democracy into its postbellum form. In doing so, it addresses the relative scarcity of scholarship on the postwar Democrats, and provides an original contribution to knowledge by (a) explaining how the party survived the Civil War and (b) providing a comprehensive analysis of an extended process of internal conflict over the Democracy's future. This research concludes that while the Civil War caused a crisis in partisanship that lasted until the mid-1870s, it was Democrats' underlying devotion to their party, and flexibility over party principle that allowed the Democracy to survive and reestablish itself as a strong national party. Rather than extensively investigating state-level or grassroots politics, this thesis focuses on the party's national leadership. It finds that public memories of the party's wartime course constituted the most significant barrier to rebuilding the Democratic national coalition. Following an overview of the fractures exposed by civil war, the extent of these splits is assessed through an investigation of sectional reconciliation during Presidential and Radical Reconstruction. The analysis then shifts to explore competing visions of the party's future during the late 1860s and early 1870s when public confidence in the Democracy hit its lowest point. While the early years of Reconstruction opened the party to the possibility of disintegration, by the mid-1870s Democrats had begun to adopt a stronger national party organisation. Through a coherent national strategy that turned national politics away from issues of race and loyalty and towards those of economic development and political reform, while simultaneously appealing to the party's history, national Democratic leaders restored public confidence in the Democracy, silenced advocates of the creation of a new national party, and propelled the party back to power in 1884.

Esse trabalho propõe-se a uma investigação histórica do longo processo que originou o Estado do Sudão do Sul, tornado independente em 2011 após plebiscito. Para tanto, buscamos traçar uma longa história do Sudão, do bilad al-sudan oriental aos dias atuais. Nos apoiamos, principalmente, em algumas obras da extensa historiografia do Sudão para desenhar esse quadro contextual de nosso objeto de estudo. Apresentado o palco, buscamos interpretar os eventos, as relações políticas e sociais e mudanças econômicas e culturais a afetar o Sudão, depois Sudão do Sul em sua intricada relação com seus vizinhos regionais e as potências globais. Terminamos nosso trabalho apresentando algumas notas e reflexões acerca de temas mais precisos, como “construção nacional”, “uso político da identidade étnica”, e o “papel das elites” no Sudão do Sul, dentre outras. / This work is the result of a historical investigation of the long process that originated the State of South Sudan, independent in 2011 after a national referendum. We sought to draw a long history of Sudan, from the eastern bilad al-sudan to modern days. We based our work mostly on some of the broad historiography on Sudan, from which to develop a contextual idea of our object of study. Having set the stage, we sought to interpret the events, political and social relations and economic and cultural changes that have affected Sudan and later South Sudan in their intrincate relation with regional neighbors and global powerhouses. Our work concludes presenting some observations ad reflections concerning specific issues, such “nation-building”, “political use of ethnic identity” and the “role of elites” in South Sudan, among others.

The life of Randolph Blackwell (1927-1981) provides a new lens through which to view the evolution of African American politics during the 20th century. Though perhaps most recognizable as a member of Martin Luther King‘s Southern Christian Leadership Conference, Blackwell‘s career as an activist had dimensions far broader than that of non-violent resistance. Most importantly, Blackwell‘s thought and praxis suggests the centrality of an economic and class-rooted analysis that endured far beyond the halcyon days of the Popular Front during the 1930s and 1940s. Through the medium of biography, this thesis charts the trajectory of Blackwell‘s political life. Beginning with his influence of his father—a member of Marcus Garvey‘s UNIA—Blackwell‘s journey intersected with some of the most foundational institutions and organisations shaping African American politics during the period under consideration, including Henry Wallace‘s Progressive Party of the late 1940s, the NAACP, the Voter Education Project and the SCLC. This thesis also ventures into unchartered territories, particularly in its description of Blackwell‘s post-civil rights career. In 1966, Blackwell founded Southern Rural Action, a non-profit private organisation dedicated to the cause of working class empowerment in some of the most impoverished counties in the South. Delineating Blackwell‘s unique, geographically centered vision of southern rebirth between 1966 and 1977, this thesis provides the first account of a long-ignored chapter in the history of "civil rights" organizing in the post-King years. Finally, Blackwell‘s work for the Federal Government as head of the Office of Minority Business Enterprise is given its due consideration.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Este trabalho se propõe analisar a construção da obra de Alexandre Herculano como historiador, que teve início com a publicação de inúmeros artigos no jornal O Panorama e na Revista Universal Lisbonense. Nesses textos, procuramos perceber as reflexões iniciais que levaram a um projeto de maior fôlego intelectual, a História de Portugal, publicada em um momento de emergência das nacionalidades e da formação das consciências nacionais. Nesse sentido, procuramos perceber como Herculano concebeu a sua história analisando sua trajetória como historiador/político em meio às graduais transformações sociais que ocorriam em Portugal à sua época. Assim, propusemo-nos pensar o Alexandre Herculano político em constante diálogo com a conjuntura daquele período, tendo como referência a sua atuação social e a sua intervenção textual no processo então em curso. / This research proposes to analyze the construction of the work of Alexandre Herculano as a historian, which began with the publication of several articles in the journal O Panorama and in the Revista Universal Lisbonense. In these texts, we sought to detect the initial thoughts that led to a project with greater intellectual , the História de Portugal, published in a moment of emergence of the nationalities and formation of the national consciousness. In this sense, we aimed to understand how Herculano conceived his history by analyzing his trajectory as a historian/politician in the midst of the gradual social transformations taking place in Portugal at the time. This way, we proposed to think the politician Alexandre Herculano in constant dialog with the conjuncture of the period, having as references his social action and textual intervention in the process then under way.