Political marketing and political science are relatively young disciplines. Their contemporary shape follows the context of the dynamic social changes, caused by the technological innovation. This thesis should try to cover a range of areas, related to the connection between politics, political science and political marketing. The consistent analysis is supplemented by example from practice of the Czech political party. The chosen case study refers to the parliamentary election in 2013. The thesis introduces key tools of marketing communications and their applications on the market, establishing proper communication objectives and shows, how to choose appropriate communication strategy.

El presente trabajo de investigación realiza un análisis de la cobertura periodística de los diarios La República y El Comercio durante las elecciones municipales de Lima en el mes de septiembre del año 2018. Se ha considerado como parte de este análisis 10 notas informativas de ambos diarios, algunas a favor o en contra de determinado candidato, otras pretenden ser neutrales sin expresar su postura dominante. Asimismo, el motivo por el cual se realiza el presente trabajo es para que los jóvenes puedan informarse y conocer más a profundidad cómo es una campaña electoral municipal en Lima- Perú, mientras que el objetivo de la investigación, tal y como se ha mencionado, es analizar en qué consistió la cobertura periodística de los diarios La República y El Comercio durante las elecciones municipales de Lima en el mes de setiembre del año 2018. Asimismo, el fin de este trabajo periodístico también es que lo dicho a lo largo del trabajo pueda servir como contexto y guía a todo estudiante perdido en el mundo político. La metodología que se emplea en esta investigación es cualitativa, ya que describe y analiza los elementos expuestos en ambos medios escritos. Uno de los resultados es que Renzo Reggiardo y Jorge Muñoz, dos de los candidatos a la alcaldía de Lima, fueron más cubiertos y privilegiados por La República y El Comercio respectivamente. La conclusión principal es que el diario nacional El Comercio cubrió en mayor magnitud la campaña del candidato Jorge Muñoz en el mes de setiembre, mientras que el diario La República lo hizo con mayor notoriedad al postulante Renzo Reggiardo. / This research makes an analysis of media coverage of the daily La Republica and El Comercio during the municipal elections in Lima in September 2018. It has been considered as part of this analysis 10 briefing notes of both newspapers, some in favor or against a particular candidate, others pretend to be neutral without expressing its dominant position. Also, the reason why this work is done is for young people to learn and know more deeply what a municipal election campaign in Lima, Peru, while the target of the investigation, as mentioned, it is to analyze how media coverage consisted of the daily La Republica and El Comercio during the municipal elections in Lima in the month of September 2018. Likewise, the purpose of this journalistic work is also that what has been said throughout the work can serve as a context and guide for every student lost in the political world. The methodology used in this research is qualitative, since it describes and analyzes the elements outlined in both print media. One of the results is that Renzo Reggiardo and Jorge Muñoz, two of the candidates for mayor of Lima, were more covered and privileged by La Republica and El Comercio respectively. The main conclusion is that the national newspaper El Comercio covered in greater magnitude campaign candidate Jorge Muñoz in the month of September, while the daily La Republica did more notoriety to the applicant Renzo Reggiardo. / Trabajo de investigación

Adam Kordač This master thesis analyses two levels of political communication and political marketing in the context of the European Union. The thesis gradually analyses main principles of political marketing, then analyses political movement ANO 2011 and then analyses its counterpart which is Alliance of liberals and democrats for Europe. The thesis is created under the pretext of two major theoretical political marketing and communication models. Those are the so-called "Plasser" model and Jennifer Lees-Marshment model. They analyse the situation from two viewpoints: Plasser analyses the historical development of political communication while Lees-Marshment looks to the differing aspects of contemporary parties. It is based on the principles of comparative analysis. It askes a question if the "europarties" are on the same level of development like the national counterparts while the hypothesis is that it is lagging behind.

Baigiamojo darbo tikslas – įvertinti politiniui marketingui skirtų kaštų įtaką rinkimų rezultatams. Siekiant tikslo, teorinėje darbo dalyje analizuojama politikos ir politinio marketingo sąvokos. Taip pat, aiškinamasis politinio marketingo modelis, analizuojami politinių partijų kampanijų finansavimą apibrėžiantys įstatymai, bei politinė reklama. Analitinėje baigiamojo darbo dalyje pateikiami ir analizuojami Lietuvos Respublikoje vykusių Savivaldybių tarybų rinkimų rezultatai. Naudojant Lietuvos Socialdemokratų, Tėvynės sąjungos – Lietuvos krikščionių demokratų ir Darbo partijų politinei kampanijai skirtų pajamų ir išlaidų ataskaitas skaičiuojama mandato kaina Kauno ir Vilniaus miesto rinkiminėse apylinkėse, bei Lietuvos mastu. Projektinėje darbo dalyje suformuluoti tokie sprendimai rinkėjų skaičiui pritraukti ir kuo didesniam mandatų skaičiui gauti: 1. Reikia kaip atskirą segmentą išsiskirti būsimą ir esamą akademinį jaunimą (studentus); 2. LSDP pozicionuodama turi remtis savo ilgamete patirtimi, žiniomis. 3. TS-LKD turi mažinti savo neigiamą įvaizdį ir pozicionuoti save kaip teigiamų pokyčių ir kaitos siekiančią partiją; 4. DP gali pozicionuoti save kaip partiją padedančią vidurinės klasės asmenims siekti išsilavinimo. / The final goal of diploma paper is to assess the influence of political marketing costs on election results. To achieve the objective, the policy and political marketing concept is analyzed in a theoretical part of the paper, together with interpretation of political marketing model as well as the analysis of the political party campaign finance laws and political advertising. Final analytical part provides an analysis of the Municipal Council election results of the Republic of Lithuania. Using the calculated costs of the income and expenditure of the Lithuanian Social Democrats, the Homeland Union - Lithuanian Christian Democrats and the Labor party's political campaign of the mandate of the city of Vilnius and Kaunas elective districts, and Lithuania. In a designed part of the paper , solutions are formulated how to attract voters and how to get the greatest number of mandates : 1. A separate segment of the future and current university students (undergraduate students) should be distinguished; 2. LSDP when positioning must rely on their many years of experience and knowledge. 3. HU-LSC has to reduce its negative image and position itself as a positive development and change aiming party; 4. LP may be positioning itself as the leading party which helps a middle class people to seek an education.

The Master Thesis Political Marketing in the Czech Republic 2010. Campaigns for Chamber of Deputies election aims to reveal the political marketing of the most important Czech political parties foregoing the Chamber of Deputies election. The thesis is focused on marketing campaigns of parties and their most marked moments, which had an impact on the election results. The thesis is set in the concrete political situation. Firstly the political marketing is theoretically described, than the thesis targets particular parties and their campaigns. Content analysis, analysis of media instruments and the interview with election manager are used in the thesis. Primary and secondary information are processed in the thesis. The most important moments of campaigns are analyzed linking to marketing tools as well as consequences for election results.

Diploma thesis focuses on parliamentary election campaign of Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) in 2002, 2006 and 2010. The hypothesis is that ČSSD maintains relatively stable core of voters, manages to call on them through their political campaign and to keep their support. Yet ČSSD is unable to catch new voters, especially young people and university educated voters. The goal is to prove or disprove this hypothesis and to give a reason why it is so. This paper outlines the influence of political marketing and presents a critical analysis of political marketing. It examines trends in Czech parliamentary election campaigns of 2002, 2006 and 2010 and the shifts in voters preferences. The paper analyses election materials in order to determine the profile of ČSSD voters and to explain why ČSSD has this profile of voters.

Diploma thesis focuses on media reflection of negative Czech parliamentary election campaign in 2002, 2006 and 2010. The main goal of this thesis is to find out, whether media did reflect at the time the use of negative political marketing by Czech political parties in the way Czech political scientists describe it. Theoretical part explains the principles of political marketing and characterises parliamentary election campaign in 2002, 2006 and 2010. Empirical part gathers results of quantitative content analysis that were made for each pre- election period 13 weeks before elections in Hospodářské noviny, Lidové noviny and Mladá fronta DNES. The results of quantitative analysis did not confirm the hypothesis that those researched newspapers would in the period of 13 weeks before election reflect higher use of negative political marketing.

台灣的選舉過程中，除了在媒體廣告之外，還包括了政治宣傳、造勢活動、政見發表等多面向影響選民。而在銷售理念下，競選行銷的目的期望能透過媒體及行銷活動幫助候選人贏得選舉的勝利，進而取得政治權力。而近年來網際網路頻寬等基礎建設的完備與載具的普及，且大量的資訊在網際網路迅速、即時及互動等的特性下，使網路政治行銷對於競選人的影響就更顯格外的重要。 本研究以探索性之個案研究，發現在網路世代的選戰中已經打破了過去傳統的行銷策略，而當前的政治行銷策略則應為結合4P-4R-4S的新網路政治行銷。任何一個候選人想要滿足選民，實現經營目標，決不能孤立地只是考慮使用某一因素和手段進行選戰，必須從目標選民市場需求和競選市場行銷環境的特點出發，根據候選人的資源和優勢，綜合運用各種行銷手段，形成一套競選的行銷戰略，並發揮整體效應，以爭取最佳競選成效。 根據本研究的結論認為：(1)從候選人（Product）本身到注重與選民的聯繫 (Relativity)進而希望取得選民的認同感（Sense）。(2)從重視民調(Price)的高低到隨時關注各種選情與事件對選民的反應(Recation)進而希望提供更貼近的選民需求的服務(Service)而讓選民有感。(3)從各種單向傳統的宣傳通路(Place) 搶占市場的關鍵已轉變為各種走入群眾的方式，與選民建立長期而穩固的關係(Relation)，進而提升溝通與回應的速度(Speed)。(4)從競選活動中的單向的促銷(Promotion)到希望得到選民的回報(Retribution)進而透過社群(Social Network)快速的互動及群體的參與，以取得選民的忠誠度。 / In Taiwan electoral process, in addition to media advertising, also including political propaganda, rallies, political views published will strongly influence the voters orientation. As the commercial marketing concept, the purpose of political marketing is hoping to help candidates win elections through the media and marketing activities, and thus obtain political power. In recent years, under the mature environment of Internet bandwidth and IT infrastructure such as real-time and interactive features can powerful handle massive information, the Internet political marketing for candidates of political influence is no doubt particularly important. This research used an exploratory case study methodology to explorate that the political marketing in the Internet generation has broken the traditional marketing strategy. We proposed an internet political marketing strategy that should be a combination of new political marketing 4P-4R-4S's. It is impossibe to only consider single factor or means making the campaign actions, any one of the candidates want to meet voters and achieve political objectives. He must be based on the target market needs and characteristics of campaign marketing environment point of view, considered the candidate's resources and advantages, used various marketing tools to form the strategic marketing campaign and exert the overall effect. In order to obtain the best campaign results. The following issues according to the results of the research were: (1) from among the candidates (Product) itself to focus on links with their constituents (Relativity) and then hope to achieve voter identity (Sense). (2) pay attention to polls (Price) level to keep an eye on the various election voters' reaction to the event (Recation) and then wish to provide services closer to the electorate's demand for (Service) and let the voters felt. (3) key from a variety of traditional one-way promotional channel (Place) to seize the market has been transformed into a variety of people, the establishment of long-term and stable relations (Relation) and the voters, and thus enhance the communication and response speed (Speed) . (4) to give voters return (Retribution) from campaigning in the way of promotion (Promotion) to want to participate and then quickly through the community (Social Network) interaction and community, in order to obtain the loyalty of voters.

The political marketing established in the Slovak Republic over the time and became a relevant part of the Slovak elections. Presidential elections in 2014 showed, that there is sufficiently large space for the application of political marketing. The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the election campaign of Andrej Kiska in presidential elections in 2014 in terms of usage of political marketing tools. The ambition of this work, is to show the extent and the exact form of the tools which were used in this campaign, based on the theoretical framework. Another object of this work is to describe, how was the results of presidential elections in 2014 perceived by Slovak public, how happy were the Slovak voters with the results of the elections and which arguments dominated in favor of Andrej Kiskas election.

L’objectif de ce mémoire est double. D’une part, il vise à proposer un cadre d’analyse novateur permettant d’étendre le modèle du marketing politique, traditionnellement limité au cas des partis politiques, en l’appliquant aux stratégies de recrutement (en amont) et de lobbying (en aval) des groupes d’intérêt. D’autre part, il a pour but de donner un nouveau souffle à l’étude des groupes d’intérêt en tant que sous-champ de la science politique en situant leur action dans une perspective dynamique et stratégique. De façon plus spécifique, cette recherche vise à évaluer, à l’aide de deux hypothèses, le degré de déploiement global de l’approche marketing chez les groupes d’intérêt au Québec et à comparer son niveau de pénétration spécifique au sein des différentes organisations. La première hypothèse avance que le degré de déploiement global du marketing politique auprès des groupes d’intérêt québécois s’avère relativement faible en raison d’un certain nombre de facteurs contextuels qui ont historiquement limité son intégration au sein de leurs stratégies de recrutement et de lobbying. La seconde hypothèse affirme pour sa part que le niveau de pénétration spécifique de l’approche marketing est limité à certaines organisations et varie en fonction de certains facteurs qui peuvent s’avérer contradictoires. Les données recueillies lors d’entrevues menées auprès de douze des principaux groupes d’intérêt actifs à l’échelle du Québec tendent à confirmer les deux hypothèses. / The goal of this paper is twofold. On the one hand, it aims to offer an innovative analytical framework for extending the model of political marketing, traditionally limited to the case of political parties, by applying it to the recruitment (upstream) ad lobbying (downstream) strategies of interest groups. On the other hand, it aims to give new impetus to the study of interest groups as a subfield of political science by placing their actions in a dynamic and strategic perspective. In more specific terms, this research aims to assess, with two hypotheses, the overall level of deployment of the marketing approach among interest groups in Quebec and compare its specific level of penetration within the various organizations. The first hypothesis argues that the degree of penetration of global marketing policy with interest groups in Quebec is relatively low due to a number of contextual factors that have historically limited its integration within their recruitment strategies and lobbying. The second hypothesis assumes for his part that the level of deployment of specific marketing approach is limited to certain organizations and varies depending on certain factors which may be contradictory. The data gathered during interviews with twelve key interest groups active throughout the Quebec tend to confirm the two hypotheses. / Fonds québécois de recherche sur la société et la culture