Posters have been used in political communication for more than a century, and are still an important element in the election campaigns. However, few studies have been devoted to the way in which text and image work together in order to obtain the rhetorical goal of making voters vote for a specific party. In this study, election posters in the 2002 general election in Sweden from all parties represented in the Swedish parliament are analysed. The context of this specific sample of political communication is described through a sociological approach inspired by Pierre Bourdieu, and through theories of political marketing. The model for analysis of the posters combine semiotics and rhetoric in order to present a model capable of analysing both text and image, and the way in which they are used in order to influence and persuade voters. The conclusions are that Swedish parties favour textual messages and not visual elements, and that when visual elements are used, these are mostly portraits of candidates. So apparently, the predominance of visual elements in advertising does not show in election posters. Neither can one claim that personalisation is a predominant element, as the total percentage of posters depicting candidates is quite low. The tendency towards negative campaigning seen in earlier elections is not present in the 2002 posters, and the rhetoric is mostly epideictic and thus aimed at keeping already convinced voters rather than attracting new ones. This might indicate that the posters have lost their role as means of attracting new voters and have become more of an “internal” affair, telling the party’s voters, in a way which presupposes shared points of view, that the party is there to be voted for as always. The posters thus fulfil a symbolic function of binding together adherents rather than attracting newcomers.

The study examines the phenomenon of the December protests in Russia when thousands of citizens were involved in the protest movement after the frauds during the Parliamentary elections. There was a popular opinion in the Internet media that at that moment Russia experienced establishment of civil society, since so many people were ready to express their discontent publically for the first time in 20 years. The focus of this study is made on the analysis of the roles that social media played in the protest movement. As it could be observed at the first glance, recruiting and mobilising individuals to participation in the rallies were mainly conducted via social media. The research analyses the concept of civil society and its relevance to the protest rhetoric and investigates, whether there was a phenomenon of civil society indeed and how it was connected to individuals’ motivation for joining the protest. The concept of civil society is discussed through the social capital, social and political trust, e-democracy and mediatisation frameworks. The study provides a comprehensive description of the events, based on mainstream and new media sources, in order to depict the nature and the development of the movement. The structure of the protests is analysed through the new social movement theory. Also, various approaches to engagement of people in the social movements are presentedl, including political marketing framework. The research was conducted in several main stages, using content analysis, survey and interviewing as main methods. The main conclusions of the study: relatively minor impact of social media in the engagement of people in the protest, a narrow section of the population as the audience of social media protesters (for them civil society mostly played a role of a customer need), and yet a significant potential of ICT in the future political life of the country.

PT e PSDB polarizam as eleições presidenciais brasileiras há 20 anos, as quais, estando dentro de uma "democracia de público" (tipo ideal descrito por Manin), são também disputas entre imagens públicas de lideranças. Esse novo jogo eleitoral, que ocorre devido a mutações no espaço público, passa por formar a opinião (Champagne, 1998) e é fundamental em democracias nas quais os meios de comunicação servem de mediadores entre o eleitor e a política. Este trabalho tem como objetivo compreender as estratégias do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e do Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB), dentro do horário gratuito de propaganda eleitoral (HGPE), espaço midiático de responsabilidade exclusiva dos políticos. A pesquisa se volta para as primeiras eleições presidenciais vitoriosas de ambos os partidos (PSDB em 1994 e PT em 2002), início dos ciclos políticos de FHC e Lula, buscando responder como os líderes políticos (fazendo uso do marketing) construíram suas imagens, dentro da propaganda eleitoral, para a disputa à presidência. As estratégias foram compreendidas como: positivas, negativas, defensivas e de contraste; os discursos, observados a partir dos procedimentos da análise do discurso. O trabalho observou também as pesquisas de opinião pública das épocas citadas, por meio do banco de dados do ESEB e do DataNupps. / PT and PSDB have polarized the Brazilian presidential elections for 20 years. These elections, inserted in an Audience Democracy (as described by Manin), are also competitions between the public images of the parties’ leaders. This new electoral game, resultant of the mutations in the public space, builds the opinion (Champagne, 1998) and is central in democracies where media works as a mediator between the elector and the politics. This thesis aims to understand the Partido dos Trabalhadores/PT (Workers Party) and the Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira/PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) strategies in the free political advertising time, a media space in which the responsibility belongs all to the politicians. The research covers the first victorious presidential elections of both parties (PSDB in 1994 and PT in 2002), in other words: the beginning of FHC and Lula political cycles. We try to answer how the political leaders (using marketing strategies) built, inside the political advertising, their images to dispute for presidency. The strategies were comprehended as: positive, negative, defensive and of contrast; the discourses were observed with the discourse analysis procedures. The study also noted the public opinion researches made in the mentioned epoch, focused on the ESEB and DataNupps database.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:29:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Juliana Leone Paiva Victorino PG 1_135.pdf: 4897555 bytes, checksum: f2255f71534052cc9267348dec8ce134 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-27 / This study portrayed the process of communication and political marketing in the public life of Wenceslau Braz, president of Brazil from 1914 to 1918. She approached the Brazilian policy of that time and showed the strategies of persuasion used to indicate the position of the miner, showing how the press at the time reacted in this election period. The methodology that guided this dissertation was to "Case Study", based on the basics of Robert Yin, where several studies were conducted bibliographic, documentary and interviews with family and friends of Wenceslas. In addition four of the Brazilian press publications were analyzed. It is concluded that the participation of the press was quite irrelevant in this process and the electoral process was dictated by the political regime of the time. / Esta pesquisa retratou o processo de comunicação e marketing político na vida pública de Wenceslau Braz, presidente do Brasil de 1914 a 1918. Ela abordou a política brasileira daquela época e mostrou as estratégias de convencimento usadas para indicação do mineiro ao cargo, revelando de que maneira a imprensa da época reagiu nesse período eleitoral. A metodologia que norteou essa dissertação foi a de Estudo de Caso , baseado nos conceitos básicos de Robert Yin, onde foram realizados vários estudos bibliográficos, documentais e entrevistas com familiares e amigos de Wenceslau. Complementarmente quatro publicações da imprensa brasileira foram analisadas. Conclui-se que a participação da imprensa nesse processo foi bem irrelevante e o processo eleitoral foi ditado pelo regime político da época.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:31:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rose Mara Vidal de Souza.pdf: 1015159 bytes, checksum: 85d4836c310acf9bc6ee19661dede3e1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The objective of my report is to propose an analyses on the way the election image of João Goulart is built, from the perspective of the political propaganda in the Brazilian cinema of the pós- ditadura . To make it possible, we can rely on the film Jango, form Silvio Tender, 1984. We believe that this report is able to contribute with the process of identification, understanding and learning about the Brazilian society ideas about João Goulart. To develop this issue we had to analyze theories related to Political Marketing, ideological propaganda and persuasion. The research was based on the qualitative and quantitative methods, techniques of historical research and case studies. We got to the conclusion that the film reconstructed Joao Goulart s image, focusing on his attitudes towards the basic reforms. Jango s mystification was shown in a documentary. / Este estudo tem como objetivo propor uma análise do modo como se constrói a representação da imagem eleitoral de João Goulart, sob a ótica da propaganda política no cinema brasileiro no período pós-ditadura. Para a realização desse objetivo contamos com o longa-metragem de Silvio Tendler de 1984, intitulado Jango. Cremos que este estudo se justifica por contribuir para identificar, compreender e mapear o imaginário da sociedade brasileira sobre João Goulart. Para o desenvolvimento do tema foram analisadas teorias de marketing político, propaganda ideológica e persuasão. A pesquisa foi norteada pelo método qualitativo e aplicadas as técnicas de pesquisa histórica e estudo de caso. Concluímos que o Filme de Silvio Tendler reconstruiu a imagem de João Goulart ressaltando seu papel na luta pelas reformas de base. A mistificação de Jango foi exposta no documentário expositivo.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:31:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pagina 1-55 Thybor Malusa.pdf: 548171 bytes, checksum: e3e39bbea731f0b7b05c03db9b0c5e73 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-04 / This thesis aims, through quantitative and qualitative content analysis, to further our understating how Veja magazine covered Fernando Henrique Cardoso election in 1998, and how his public image was formed through its publications from June to October of that year, which Fernando Henrique was elected in the first round, analyzing whether the magazine Veja has given more credit to FHC rather than to his opponents. In order to increase the knowledge about the subject, we studied the world behind political propaganda, ideological and political marketing, and also the magazines historical ideological values. Thus, it was concluded that the magazine during the period analyzed, has published more articles on Fernando Henrique Cardoso rather than any presidential candidate in 1998, always considering him as the best to govern the country, that time. Any material published significantly strengthened FHCs influence on Veja s readers, which has favored him during the campaign. / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo, através da análise de conteúdo de naturezas quantitativa e qualitativa, verificar como a revista Veja fez a cobertura da campanha eleitoral de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, em 1998, bem como verificar de que forma se deu a construção da imagem pública do candidato FHC pela publicação no período de junho a outubro do referido ano, no qual Fernando Henrique foi reeleito em primeiro turno, analisando se Veja deu mais espaço para FHC do que para seus oponentes. Para ampliar o conhecimento em relação ao objeto, estudou-se o universo da propaganda política, ideológica e do marketing político, bem como se discutiu os valores ideológicos históricos da revista Veja. Com isso, verificou-se que Veja, no período analisado, publicou mais matérias sobre Fernando Henrique Cardoso do que qualquer outro candidato à presidência, em 1998, além de colocá-lo, quase sempre, como o mais bem preparado para continuar à frente da presidência da República, naquela época. As matérias publicadas, portanto, fortaleceram significativamente a imagem de FHC perante os leitores de Veja, favorecendo-o em relação a seus oponentes.

PT e PSDB polarizam as eleições presidenciais brasileiras há 20 anos, as quais, estando dentro de uma "democracia de público" (tipo ideal descrito por Manin), são também disputas entre imagens públicas de lideranças. Esse novo jogo eleitoral, que ocorre devido a mutações no espaço público, passa por formar a opinião (Champagne, 1998) e é fundamental em democracias nas quais os meios de comunicação servem de mediadores entre o eleitor e a política. Este trabalho tem como objetivo compreender as estratégias do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e do Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB), dentro do horário gratuito de propaganda eleitoral (HGPE), espaço midiático de responsabilidade exclusiva dos políticos. A pesquisa se volta para as primeiras eleições presidenciais vitoriosas de ambos os partidos (PSDB em 1994 e PT em 2002), início dos ciclos políticos de FHC e Lula, buscando responder como os líderes políticos (fazendo uso do marketing) construíram suas imagens, dentro da propaganda eleitoral, para a disputa à presidência. As estratégias foram compreendidas como: positivas, negativas, defensivas e de contraste; os discursos, observados a partir dos procedimentos da análise do discurso. O trabalho observou também as pesquisas de opinião pública das épocas citadas, por meio do banco de dados do ESEB e do DataNupps. / PT and PSDB have polarized the Brazilian presidential elections for 20 years. These elections, inserted in an Audience Democracy (as described by Manin), are also competitions between the public images of the parties’ leaders. This new electoral game, resultant of the mutations in the public space, builds the opinion (Champagne, 1998) and is central in democracies where media works as a mediator between the elector and the politics. This thesis aims to understand the Partido dos Trabalhadores/PT (Workers Party) and the Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira/PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) strategies in the free political advertising time, a media space in which the responsibility belongs all to the politicians. The research covers the first victorious presidential elections of both parties (PSDB in 1994 and PT in 2002), in other words: the beginning of FHC and Lula political cycles. We try to answer how the political leaders (using marketing strategies) built, inside the political advertising, their images to dispute for presidency. The strategies were comprehended as: positive, negative, defensive and of contrast; the discourses were observed with the discourse analysis procedures. The study also noted the public opinion researches made in the mentioned epoch, focused on the ESEB and DataNupps database.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-16T14:49:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1104006 bytes, checksum: 879007bf875369542318efa25a8de84a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The reality of contemporary Western democracies, characterized by the weakening of party identity and the rise of the most natural and the personal qualities of the candidate in the orientation of the elections, provoked new electoral behavior and, consequently, further studies that seek explain these policy changes and the voter's behavior more volatile. Given that the perceived value is a strategic imperative in the 1990s to the producers and retailers and is still of importance today. Since it first entered the concept of strategic management, then expanded to the guidelines geared to the client (focuses on the needs and desires of customers) and for the market (considering the market potential and competition), the perceived value has It is the foundation for all marketing activities and that is not to make their segments, such as political marketing? So with the increasing convergence of political marketing with commercial and marketing studies that seek, through the understanding of the attitudes of voters, define the variables that influence their decision making and predict the factors favorable to the achievement of a successful election campaign, this study aims to consider the applicability of the use of "customer perceived value" in the political context and investigate, through the behavioral characteristics of voters, as characterized using the perceived value in the elections. The research is worth qualitative method, with application of Laddering to collect data through indepth interviews, and subsequently using the content analysis to characterize the perceived value in the elections, through the half-chain model end (Means-end Chain Model). 27 items were coded, 9 attributes, 10 consequences and 8 values. The chain is formed by the dominant attribute found "Honesty / Justice," the consequence "correct application of public funds" and values "Better quality of life" and "social welfare". Through its research and other results, we find a more volatile then the actual voters, which seeks to assess the political or even more considering both very personal characteristics of the applicant, related to their image and behavior, as his proposals for party-political campaign. Not noticed in any of the voters any party identification, although the party loyalty of politicians have been raised as a factor of credibility. Indeed, voters have to contemplate the elections not only as a means to promote democracy and improve the life in society, but also to gain personal benefits through means-end chains in this research, the study of the perceptions of voters about the electoral process and their choices. / A realidade das democracias ocidentais contemporâneas, caracterizadas pelo enfraquecimento da identidade partidária e o aumento de aspectos mais singulares como as qualidades pessoais do candidato na orientação da escolha eleitoral, provocou novos comportamentos eleitorais e, conseqüentemente, novos estudos que buscam explicar essas mudanças políticas e também o comportamento mais volátil do eleitor. Sabendo-se que o valor percebido foi um imperativo estratégico na década de 1990 para os produtores e varejistas e continua sendo de suma importância nos dias de hoje. Sendo ele inserido primeiramente no conceito de gerenciamento estratégico, em seguida, expandido para as orientações voltadas ao cliente (preocupando-se em satisfazer necessidades e desejos dos clientes) e para o mercado (analisando o potencial do mercado e a concorrência), o valor percebido tornou-se base fundamental para todas as atividades de marketing e por que também não se tornaria para seus segmentos, como o marketing político? Assim, com a crescente convergência do marketing político com o marketing comercial e os estudos que buscam, através da compreensão das atitudes do eleitor, definir as variáveis que influenciam seu processo decisório e predizem os fatores favoráveis para a realização de uma campanha eleitoral bem sucedida, o presente estudo pretende considerar a aplicabilidade do uso do valor percebido do cliente no contexto político e investigar, através das características comportamentais dos eleitores, como se caracteriza o uso do valor percebido na escolha eleitoral. A pesquisa valeu-se de método qualitativo, com aplicação da técnica Laddering para coleta dos dados, através de entrevistas em profundidade e, posteriormente, o uso da análise de conteúdo para caracterizar o valor percebido na escolha eleitoral, através do Modelo de cadeias meios-fim (Means-end Chain Model). Foram codificados 27 elementos, sendo 9 atributos, 10 conseqüências e 8 valores. A cadeia dominante encontrada é formada pelo atributo Honestidade/Justiça , a conseqüência Aplicação correta das verbas públicas e os valores Melhor qualidade de vida e Bem estar social . Mediante a pesquisa e seus demais resultados, percebe-se então um comportamento mais volátil do eleitor atual, que busca avaliar o político considerando tanto ou até mais características bastante pessoais do candidato, ligadas a sua imagem e comportamento, quanto suas propostas político-partidárias de campanha. Não se percebeu em nenhum dos eleitores qualquer identificação partidária, embora a fidelidade partidária dos políticos tenha sido levantada como um fator de credibilidade. Na verdade, os eleitores demonstraram contemplar a escolha eleitoral não só como um meio de fomentar a democracia e melhorar a vida em sociedade, mas também de obter vantagens pessoais através das cadeias meios-fim apresentadas nesta pesquisa, pelo estudo da percepção dos eleitores sobre o processo eleitoral e suas escolhas.

This diploma thesis Political parties and public opinion polls deals with the use of research in political party. From a theoretical point of view, the thesis focuses on defining the concept of public opinion, its influence on political tradition, and the importance of public opinion polls and their criticism. The main part of the thesis focuses on political communication introducing the use of methods and tools of political marketing, namely utilizing public opinion polls. It describes a change in political communication that has led to professionalization and the need to hire professionals from outside sources, and the role of media, which is often the only source of information for citizens. It explains the difference between particular mediated public opinion polls and focuses on their medial impact on voters. The research section have a form of a case study which focuses on how the public opinion polling is used to develop the electoral strategy in the political party TOP 09 before the elections to the regional councils in 2016. The result of the analysis shows that this political party is highly professionalized, continues to develop its electoral strategy based on research results, and follows recommendations of research agencies, using modern political marketing methods.

The Diploma thesis The Semiotic Analysis of campaign spots of parliamentary election in 2013 uses the semiotic analysis to analyse campaign spots broadcasted by the Czech Television before the elections in 2013. With regards of the purpose of this paperwork we chose the spots of victorious political parties, the ones who have exceeded the minimal level of 5% of total votes to gain the mandate, thus ČSSD, ANO, KSČM, Top 09, ODS, Úsvit and KDU- ČSL. We emphasise signs and means of expression used in chosen campaign spots. The aim of this paperwork is to answer the question what message campaign spots address to voters. Moreover, the diploma thesis tries to answer the question, if all victorious campaign spots contain the same signs and means of expression which could help them to influence the result of elections. The hypothesis of this diploma thesis suppose that all campaign spots will contain the same signs and that they will ask people to vote. Furthermore, we expect that none of the campaign spots will directly criticize other political parties or their policy. The theoretical part of the paperwork presents the basic concepts of political communication, political advertisement and its regulation in the Czech Republic. The paperwork introduces the electoral system of the Czech Republic and current...